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FIGURE 19.1 For the mil lions o f immigr ants arriving b y ship in Ne w York City ’s harbor , the sight o f the Statue o fLiber ty, as in Unveiling the Statue o f Liber ty(1886) b y Edward Mor an, s tood as a ph ysical r epresentation o f the ne wfreedoms and ec onomic oppor tunities the y hoped t o find.
INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE19.1 Urbanization and Its Chal leng es19.2 The African American “ Great Migr ation ” and Ne w Eur opean Immigr ation19.3 Relief fr om the Chaos o f Urban Lif e19.4 Chang e Reflect ed in Thought and W riting
“We sa w the big w oman with spik es on her he ad.” So b egins Sadie F rowne ’s firs t memor y ofarriving in the Unite d Sta tes. Man y Americ ans e xperienc ed in their new home wha t the thir teen-y ear-oldPolish girl had seen in the silhouet te of the Sta tue o f Lib erty (Figure 19.1 ): a w ondrous w orld o f newopp ortunities fra ught with dang ers. Sadie and her mother , for ins tanc e, had left P oland a fter her fa ther ’s de ath.
Her mother die d shor tly there after, and Sadie had to find her o wn w ay in N ew Y ork, working in factories andslowly as simila ting to lif e in a v ast multina tional metrop olis. Her s tory is similar to millions o f others , aspeople c ame to the Unite d Sta tes seeking a b etter future than the one the y had a t home .
The future the y found , however, was o ften grim . While man y believ ed in the land o f opp ortunity , the re ality o furban lif e in the Unite d Sta tes w as more chaotic and difficult than p eople e xpecte d. In addition to thechalleng es o f langua ge, clas s, rac e, and ethnicity , these new arriv als de alt with lo w w ages, overcro wdedbuildings , poor sanita tion , and widespre ad dise ase. The land o f opp ortunity , it seeme d, did not alw ays deliv er19The Gr owing P ains of Urbaniz ation,1870 -1900
on its promises .
19.1 Urbaniz ation and Its ChallengesLEARNING OBJEC TIVESBy the end o f this section, y ou wil l be able t o:
•Explain the gr owth o f American cities in the lat e ninet eenth c entur y•Identif y the k ey chal leng es that Americans fac ed due t o urbanization, as w ell as some o f the pos sible solutionsto those chal leng esFIGURE 19.2Urb aniza tion occurre d rapidly in the sec ond half o f the nineteenth c entur y in the Unite d Sta tes f or a numb er o f
reasons . The new technologies o f the time le d to a mas sive leap in indus trializa tion , requiring larg e numb ersof workers. New electric lights and p owerful machiner y allo wed factories to r un tw enty -four hours a da y, sev endays a w eek. Workers w ere f orced into gr ueling tw elve-hour shifts , requiring them to liv e close to the factories .
While the w ork w as dang erous and difficult , man y Americ ans w ere willing to le ave behind the decliningprosp ects o f preindus trial a griculture in the hop e of better w ages in indus trial la bor. Furthermore , problemsranging from famine to religious p ersecution le d a new w ave of immigrants to arriv e from c entral , eastern , andsouthern Europ e, man y of whom set tled and f ound w ork ne ar the cities where the y firs t arriv ed. Immigrantssought solac e and c omf ort among others who share d the same langua ge and cus toms , and the na tion ’s cities
became an in valua ble ec onomic and cultural resourc e.
Although cities such as Philadelphia, Bos ton, and N ew Y ork sprang up from the initial da ys of colonialsettlement , the e xplosion in urb an p opula tion gro wth did not o ccur until the mid-nineteenth c entur y (Figure19.3 ). At this time , the a ttractions o f city lif e, and in p articular , emplo yment opp ortunities , grew e xponentiallydue to rapid chang es in indus trializa tion . Bef ore the mid-1800s , factories , such as the e arly te xtile mills , had tobe located ne ar riv ers and se aports, both f or the transp ort of goods and the nec essary water p ower. Production
became dep endent up on se asonal w ater flo w, with c old, icy winters all but s topping riv er transp ortationentirely . The dev elopment o f the s team engine trans forme d this nee d, allo wing busines ses to lo cate theirfactories ne ar urb an c enters . These factories enc oura ged more and more p eople to mo ve to urb an are as wherejobs w ere plentiful , but hourly w ages w ere o ften lo w and the w ork w as routine and grindingly monotonous .492 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
FIGURE 19.3 As these panels il lustrate, the population o f the Unit ed Stat es gr ew rapidl y in the lat e 1800s (a). Muchof this ne w gr owth t ook plac e in urban ar eas (defined b y the c ensus as tw enty -five hundr ed people or mor e), andthis urban population, par ticularl y that o f major cities (b), deal t with chal leng es and oppor tunities that w ereunkno wn in pr evious g ener ations .
Eventually , cities dev elop ed their o wn unique characters b ased on the c ore indus try tha t spurre d their gro wth .
In Pit tsburgh , it w as s teel; in Chic ago, it w as me at packing; in N ew Y ork, the g arment and financial indus triesdomina ted; and Detroit , by the mid-tw entieth c entur y, was define d by the a utomobiles it built . But all cities a tthis time , reg ardles s of their indus try, suff ered from the univ ersal problems tha t rapid e xpansion brought withit, including c oncerns o ver housing and living c onditions , transp ortation , and c ommunic ation . These is sueswere almos t alw ays rooted in deep clas s ine qualities , shap ed by racial divisions , religious diff erenc es, and
ethnic s trife, and dis torted by corrupt lo cal politics .
CLICK AND EXPL OREThis 1884 B ureau of Labor Sta tistics rep ort for Mas sachuset ts( from Bos tonlooks in detail a t the w ages, living c onditions , and moral c ode o f the girls who w orked in the clothing factoriesthere .
THE KEY S TO SUCCESSFUL URBANIZA TIONAs the c ountr y grew , certain elements le d some to wns to morph into larg e urb an c enters , while others did not .
The f ollowing f our inno vations pro ved critic al in shaping urb aniza tion a t the turn o f the c entur y: electriclighting , communic ation impro vements , intracity transp ortation , and the rise o f sky scrap ers. As p eoplemigra ted for the new jobs , the y often s truggle d with the a bsenc e of basic urb an infras tructures , such as b ettertransp ortation , ade qua te housing , me ans o f communic ation , and efficient sourc es o f light and energ y. Eventhe b asic nec essities , such as fresh w ater and prop er sanita tion— often tak en f or grante d in the
countr yside —presente d a gre ater challeng e in urb an lif e.
Electric LightingThomas E dison p atente d the inc andesc ent light bulb in 1879. This dev elopment quickly b ecame c ommon inhomes as w ell as factories , trans forming ho w ev en lo wer- and middle -clas s Americ ans liv ed. Although slo w toarriv e in r ural are as o f the c ountr y, electric p ower b ecame re adily a vailable in cities when the firs t commercialpower plants b egan to op en in 1882. When Nik ola T esla subse quently dev elop ed the A C (alterna ting current)
system f or the W estinghouse Electric & Manufacturing C omp any, power supplies f or lights and other factor yequipment c ould e xtend f or miles from the p ower sourc e. AC power trans forme d the use o f electricity , allo wingurban c enters to ph ysically c over gre ater are as. In the factories , electric lights p ermit ted op erations to r untwenty -four hours a da y, sev en da ys a w eek. This incre ase in pro duction re quire d additional w orkers, and thisdemand brought more p eople to cities .
Gradually , cities b egan to illumina te the s treets with electric lamps to allo w the city to remain alight19.1 • Urbaniza tion and Its Chal leng es 493throughout the night . No long er did the p ace of life and ec onomic activity slo w subs tantially a t sunset , the w ayit had in smaller to wns . The cities , following the factories tha t drew p eople there , stayed op en all the time .
Communications Impr ovementsThe telephone , patente d in 1876, gre atly trans forme d communic ation b oth regionally and na tionally . Thetelephone rapidly supplante d the telegraph as the pref erre d form o f communic ation; b y 1900, o ver 1.5 milliontelephones w ere in use around the na tion , whether as priv ate lines in the homes o f some middle - and upp er-clas s Americ ans, or as jointly use d “p arty lines” in man y rural are as. By allo wing ins tant c ommunic ation o ver
larg er dis tanc es a t an y giv en time , gro wing telephone netw orks made urb an spra wl p ossible .
In the same w ay tha t electric lights spurre d gre ater factor y pro duction and ec onomic gro wth , the telephoneincre ased busines s through the more rapid p ace of demand . Now, orders c ould c ome c onstantly via telephone ,rather than via mail-order . More orders g enera ted gre ater pro duction , which in turn re quire d still moreworkers. This demand f or additional la bor pla yed a k ey role in urb an gro wth , as e xpanding c omp anies soughtworkers to handle the incre asing c onsumer demand f or their pro ducts .
Intr acity T ransportationAs cities grew and spra wled outw ard, a major challeng e was efficient tra vel within the city —from home tofactories or shops , and then b ack a gain. Mos t transp ortation infras tructure w as use d to c onnect cities to e achother , typic ally b y rail or c anal . Prior to the 1880s , two of the mos t common f orms o f transp ortation withincities w ere the omnibus and the horse c ar. An omnibus w as a larg e, horse -dra wn c arria ge. A horse c ar w as
similar to an omnibus , but it w as plac ed on iron or s teel tracks to pro vide a smo other ride . While these horse -driv en v ehicles w orked ade qua tely in smaller , les s-cong ested cities , the y were not e quipp ed to handle thelarg er cro wds tha t dev elop ed at the close o f the c entur y. The horses had to s top and res t, and horse manurebecame an ong oing problem .
In 1887, F rank S prague in vente d the electric trolle y, which w orked along the same c oncept as the horse c ar,with a larg e wagon on tracks , but w as p owered by electricity ra ther than horses . The electric trolle y could r unthroughout the da y and night , like the factories and the w orkers who fuele d them . But it also mo derniz ed les simp ortant indus trial c enters , such as the southern city o f Richmond , Virginia. As e arly as 1873, San F rancisc oengineers adopte d pulle y technolog y from the mining indus try to intro duce cable c ars and turn the city ’s steep
hills into eleg ant middle -clas s communities . Ho wever, as cro wds c ontinue d to gro w in the larg est cities , suchas Chic ago and N ew Y ork, trolle ys were una ble to mo ve efficiently through the cro wds o f pedestrians ( Figure19.4 ). To avoid this challeng e, city planners elev ated the trolle y lines a bove the s treets , cre ating elev ated trains ,or L -trains , as e arly as 1868 in N ew Y ork City , and quickly spre ading to Bos ton in 1887 and Chic ago in 1892.
Finally , as sky scrap ers b egan to domina te the air , transp ortation ev olved one s tep fur ther to mo veunderground as sub ways. Bos ton’s sub way system b egan op erating in 1897, and w as quickly f ollowed by NewYork and other cities .494 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
FIGURE 19.4 Although tr olleys were far mor e efficient than horse -drawn carriag es, populous cities such as Ne wYork e xperienc ed fr equent ac cidents , as depict ed in this 1895 il lustration fr omLeslie ’s Weekl y(a). T o avoidovercrowded s treets , trolleys soon w ent under ground, as at the Public Gar dens P ortal in Bos ton (b), wher e thr eedifferent lines met t o ent er the T remont Str eet Sub way, the oldes t sub way tunnel in the Unit ed Stat es, opening onSeptember 1, 1897.
The Rise of Sk yscr apersThe las t limita tion tha t larg e cities had to o vercome w as the ev er-incre asing nee d for sp ace. Eas tern cities ,unlik e their midw estern c ounterp arts, could not c ontinue to gro w outw ard, as the land surrounding them w asalre ady set tled. Geographic limita tions such as riv ers or the c oast also hamp ered spra wl. And in all cities ,citiz ens nee ded to b e close enough to urb an c enters to c onveniently ac cess work, shops , and other c ore
institutions o f urb an lif e. The incre asing c ost of real es tate made up ward gro wth a ttractiv e, and so did thepres tige tha t towering buildings c arrie d for the busines ses tha t occupie d them . Workers c omplete d the firs tskyscrap er in Chic ago, the ten-s tory Home Insuranc e Building , in 1885 ( Figure 19.5 ). Although engineers hadthe c apability to g o higher , thanks to new s teel c onstruction techniques , the y re quire d another vital in ventionin order to mak e taller buildings via ble: the elev ator. In 1889, the Otis Elev ator C omp any, led by inventor Elisha
Otis , ins talle d the firs t electric elev ator. This b egan the sky scrap er craz e, allo wing dev elop ers in e astern citiesto build and mark et pres tigious re al es tate in the he arts of cro wded eastern metrop oles .19.1 • Urbaniza tion and Its Chal leng es 495FIGURE 19.5 While the t echnolog y existed to engineer tal l buildings , it w as not until the in vention o f the electricelevator in 1889 that sky scrapers beg an to tak e over the urban landscape . Sho wn her e is the Home Insur anceBuilding in Chicag o, consider ed the firs t modern sky scraper .
Jacob Riis and the Windo w into “Ho w the Other Half Liv es”Jacob Riis w as a Danish immigr ant who mo ved to Ne w York in the lat e ninet eenth c entur y and, aft er experiencingpoverty and jobles snes s firs t-hand, ul timat ely buil t a car eer as a polic e repor ter. In the c ourse o f his w ork, hespent much o f his time in the slums and t enements o f Ne w York’s working poor . Appal led b y what he f ound ther e,Riis beg an documenting these sc enes o f squalor and sharing them thr ough lectur es and ul timat ely thr ough the
publication o f his book, How the Other Half Liv es, in 1890 ( Figure 19.6 ).DEFINING AMERICAN496 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
FIGURE 19.6 In phot ographs such as Bandit ’s Roost(1888), tak en on Mulberr y Str eet in the infamous Fiv ePoints neighborhood o f Manhat tan’s Lower Eas t Side , Jac ob Riis document ed the plight o f Ne w York City slums inthe lat e ninet eenth c entur y.
By mos t contempor ary accounts , Riis w as an eff ectiv e storyteller, using dr ama and r acial s tereotypes t o tell hisstories o f the ethnic slums he enc ount ered. But while his r acial thinking w as very much a pr oduct o f his time , hewas also a r eformer; he f elt strongl y that upper and middle -clas s Americans c ould and should car e about theliving c onditions o f the poor . In his book and lectur es, he ar gued ag ains t the immor al landlor ds and useles s lawsthat al lowed dang erous living c onditions and high r ents . He also sug gested remodeling e xisting t enements or
building ne w ones . He w as not alone in his c oncern f or the plight o f the poor; other r epor ters and activis ts hadalready br ought the is sue int o the public e ye, and Riis’ s phot ographs added a ne w element t o the s tory.
To tell his s tories , Riis used a series o f deepl y compel ling phot ographs . Riis and his gr oup o f amat eurphot ographers mo ved thr ough the v arious slums o f Ne w York, laboriousl y set ting up their tripods and e xplosiv echemicals t o create enough light t o tak e the phot ographs . His phot os and writings shock ed the public, made Riisa well-kno wn fig ure both in his da y and be yond, and e ventual ly led t o ne w state legislation curbing abuses intenements .
THE IMMEDIA TE CHALLENGES OF URBAN LIFECong estion , pollution , crime , and dise ase w ere prev alent problems in all urb an c enters; city planners andinha bitants alik e sought new solutions to the problems c aused by rapid urb an gro wth . Living c onditions f ormos t working-clas s urb an dw ellers w ere a trocious . The y liv ed in cro wded tenement houses and cramp edapartments with terrible v entila tion and subs tandard plumbing and sanita tion . As a result , dise ase ran
ramp ant, with typhoid and cholera c ommon . Memphis , Tennes see, experienc ed waves o f cholera (1873)followed by yellow fever (1878 and 1879) tha t resulte d in the los s of over ten thousand liv es. By the la te 1880s ,New Y ork City , Baltimore , Chic ago, and N ew Orle ans had all intro duced sew age pumping s ystems to pro vide19.1 • Urbaniza tion and Its Chal leng es 497efficient w aste mana gement . Man y cities w ere also serious fire hazards . An a verage working-clas s family o f six ,with tw o adults and f our children , had a t best a tw o-bedroom tenement . By one 1900 es tima te, in the N ew Y ork
City b orough o f Manha ttan alone , there w ere ne arly fifty thousand tenement houses . The photographs o f thesetenement houses are seen in J acob Riis’ s book,How the Other Half Liv es, discus sed in the f eature a bove. Citinga study b y the N ew Y ork Sta te As sembly a t this time , Riis f ound N ew Y ork to b e the mos t densely p opula ted cityin the w orld , with as man y as eight hundre d residents p er square acre in the Lo wer Eas t Side w orking-clas sslums , comprising the Elev enth and Thir teenth W ards .
CLICK AND EXPL OREVisitNew Y ork City , Tenement Lif e( to get an impres sion o f the ev eryday life oftenement dw ellers on Manha ttan’s Lo wer Eas t Side .
Churches and civic org aniza tions pro vide d some relief to the challeng es o f working-clas s city lif e. Churcheswere mo ved to inter vene through their b elief in the c oncept o f the social g ospel. This philosoph y stated tha t allChris tians , whether the y were church le aders or so cial ref ormers , should b e as c oncerne d about the c onditionsof life in the secular w orld as the a fterlif e, and the R everend W ashington Gladden w as a major adv ocate. Ratherthan pre aching sermons on he aven and hell , Gladden talk ed about so cial chang es o f the time , urging other
preachers to f ollow his le ad. He adv ocated for impro vements in daily lif e and enc oura ged Americ ans o f allclas ses to w ork tog ether f or the b etterment o f society . His sermons include d the mes sage to “lo ve thyneighb or” and held tha t all Americ ans had to w ork tog ether to help the mas ses. As a result o f his influenc e,churches b egan to include g ymnasiums and libraries as w ell as o ffer ev ening clas ses on h ygiene and he althcare. Other religious org aniza tions lik e the Salv ation Arm y and the Y oung Men ’s Chris tian As sociation ( YMC A)
expande d their re ach in Americ an cities a t this time as w ell. Beginning in the 1870s , these org aniza tionsbegan pro viding c ommunity ser vices and other b enefits to the urb an p oor.
In the secular sphere , the settlement house mo vement of the 1890s pro vide d additional relief. Pioneeringwomen such as J ane A ddams in Chic ago and Lillian W ald in N ew Y ork le d this e arly progres sive ref ormmovement in the Unite d Sta tes, building up on ide as originally fashione d by so cial ref ormers in England . Withno p articular religious b ent, the y worked to cre ate set tlement houses in urb an c enters where the y could helpthe w orking clas s, and in p articular , working-clas s women , find aid . Their help include d child da ycare, evening
clas ses, libraries , gym facilities , and free he alth c are. Addams op ened her no w-famous Hull House ( Figure19.7 ) in Chic ago in 1889, and W ald’s Henr y Street Set tlement op ened in N ew Y ork six y ears la ter. Themovement spre ad quickly to other cities , where the y not only pro vide d relief to w orking-clas s women but alsooffered emplo yment opp ortunities f or w omen gradua ting c olleg e in the gro wing field o f social w ork.
Oftentimes , living in the set tlement houses among the w omen the y help ed, these c olleg e gradua tesexperienc ed the e quiv alent o f living so cial clas srooms in which to practic e their skills , which also fre quentlycaused friction with immigrant w omen who had their o wn ide as o f ref orm and self -impro vement .498 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
FIGURE 19.7 Jane Addams opened Hul l House in Chicag o in 1889, o ffering ser vices and suppor t to the city ’sworking poor .
The suc cess of the set tlement house mo vement la ter b ecame the b asis o f a p olitic al agenda tha t include dpres sure f or housing la ws, child la bor la ws, and w orker’s comp ensa tion la ws, among others . Florenc e Kelley,who originally w orked with A ddams in Chic ago, later joine d W ald’s eff orts in N ew Y ork; tog ether , the y cre atedthe N ational Child La bor C ommit tee and adv ocated for the subse quent cre ation o f the Children ’s Bureau in theU.S. Dep artment o f Labor in 1912. J ulia La throp —herself a f ormer resident o f Hull House —became the firs t
woman to he ad a f ederal g overnment a gency , when P resident W illiam Ho ward T aft app ointe d her to r un thebure au. Set tlement house w orkers also b ecame influential le aders in the w omen ’s suffra ge mo vement as w ellas the antiw ar mo vement during W orld W ar I.
Jane Addams R eflects on the Settlement House Mo vementJane Addams w as a social activis t whose w ork t ook man y forms . She is perhaps bes t kno wn as the f ounder o fHull House in Chicag o, which lat er became a model f or set tlement houses thr oughout the c ountr y. Her e, shereflects on the r ole that the set tlement pla yed.
“Life in the Set tlement disc overs abo ve all what has been cal led ‘ the e xtraordinar y pliability o f human natur e,’and it seems impos sible t o set an y bounds t o the mor al capabilities which might unf old under ideal civic andeducational c onditions . But in or der t o ob tain these c onditions , the Set tlement r ecogniz es the need o fcooper ation, both with the r adical and the c onser vative, and fr om the v ery natur e of the case the Set tlementcannot limit its friends t o an y one political par ty or ec onomic school .”“The Set tlement cas ts side none o f those
things which cul tivated men ha ve come t o consider r easonable and g oodl y, but it insis ts that those belong as w ellto that gr eat body o f people who , because o f toilsome and underpaid labor , are unable t o procur e them f orthemsel ves. Added t o this is a pr ofound c onviction that the c ommon s tock o f intellectual enjo yment should notbe difficul t of access because o f the ec onomic position o f him who w ould appr oach it, that those ‘bes t resul ts ofcivilization ’ upon which depend the finer and fr eer aspects o f living mus t be inc orpor ated int o our c ommon lif e
and ha ve free mobility thr ough al l elements o f society if w e would ha ve our democr acy endur e.”“Theeducational activities o f a Set tlement, as w ell its philanthr opic, civic, and social under takings , are but diff eringmanif estations o f the at temp t to socializ e democr acy, as is the v ery existence of the Set tlement itself .”In addition t o her pioneering w ork in the set tlement house mo vement, Addams also w as activ e in the w omen ’ssuffr age mo vement as w ell as an outspok en pr oponent f or int ernational peac e eff orts. She w as ins trumental in
the r elief eff ort aft er W orld W ar I, a c ommitment that led t o her winning the Nobel P eace Prize in 1931.MY ST ORY19.1 • Urbaniza tion and Its Chal leng es 49919.2 The African American “Gr eat Migr ation” and New Eur opean Immigr ationLEARNING OBJEC TIVESBy the end o f this section, y ou wil l be able t o:
•Identif y the fact ors that pr omp ted African American and Eur opean immigr ation t o American cities in the lat eninet eenth c entur y•Explain the discrimination and anti-immigr ation legislation that immigr ants fac ed in the lat e ninet eenth c entur yNew cities w ere p opula ted with div erse w aves o f new arriv als, who c ame to the cities to seek w ork in thebusines ses and factories there . While a small p ercenta ge of these new comers w ere White Americ ans seeking
jobs , mos t were made up o f two groups tha t had not previously b een factors in the urb aniza tion mo vement:
Afric an Americ ans fleeing the racism o f the farms and f ormer planta tions in the South , and southern andeastern Europ ean immigrants . These new immigrants supplante d the previous w aves o f nor thern and w esternEurop ean immigrants , who had tende d to mo ve west to purchase land . Unlik e their pre decessors , the new erimmigrants lack ed the funds to s trike out to the w estern lands and ins tead remaine d in the urb an c enterswhere the y arriv ed, seeking an y work tha t would k eep them aliv e.
THE AFRICAN AMERICAN “GREA T MIGRA TION”Betw een the end o f the Civil W ar and the b eginning o f the Gre at Depres sion , nearly tw o million Afric anAmeric ans fle d the r ural South to seek new opp ortunities elsewhere . While some mo ved west, the v astmajority o f this Gre at Migrat ion, as the larg e exodus o f Afric an Americ ans le aving the South in the e arlytwentieth c entur y was c alled, tra veled to the N ortheast and Upp er Midw est. The f ollowing cities w ere the
primar y des tina tions f or these Afric an Americ ans: N ew Y ork, Chic ago, Philadelphia, St . Louis , Detroit ,Pittsburgh , Clev eland , and Indianap olis. These eight cities ac counte d for o ver tw o-thirds o f the total p opula tionof the Afric an Americ an migra tion .
A combina tion o f both “push ” and “pull ” factors pla yed a role in this mo vement . Despite the end o f the CivilWar and the p assage of the Thir teenth , Fourteenth , and F ifteenth Amendments to the U .S. C onstitution (endingslavery, ensuring e qual protection under the la w, and protecting the right to v ote, resp ectiv ely), Afric anAmeric ans w ere s till subjecte d to intense racial ha tred. The rise o f the K u Klux Klan in the imme diateafterma th o f the Civil W ar le d to incre ased de ath thre ats, violenc e, and a w ave of lynchings . Even a fter the
formal dismantling o f the Klan in the la te 1870s , racially motiv ated violenc e continue d. According torese archers a t the T uskegee Ins titute , there w ere thir ty-five hundre d racially motiv ated lynchings and othermurders c ommit ted in the South b etween 1865 and 1900. F or Afric an Americ ans fleeing this culture o fviolenc e, nor thern and midw estern cities o ffered an opp ortunity to esc ape the dang ers o f the South .
In addition to this “push ” out o f the South , Afric an Americ ans w ere also “pulle d” to the cities b y factors tha tattracte d them , including job opp ortunities , where the y could e arn a w age ra ther than b e tie d to a landlord ,and the chanc e to v ote (f or men , at least), supp osedly free from the thre at of violenc e. Although man y lack edthe funds to mo ve themselv es nor th, factor y owners and other busines ses tha t sought che ap la bor as sisted themigra tion . Often , the men mo ved firs t then sent f or their families onc e the y were ensc onced in their new city
life. Racism and a lack o f formal e ducation releg ated these Afric an Americ an w orkers to man y of the lo wer-paying unskille d or semi-skille d occup ations . More than 80 p ercent o f Afric an Americ an men w orked menialjobs in s teel mills , mines , construction , and me at packing . In the railro ad indus try, the y were o ften emplo yedas p orters or ser vants ( Figure 19.8 ). In other busines ses, the y worked as janitors , waiters , or c ooks. Afric anAmeric an w omen , who fac ed discrimina tion due to b oth their rac e and g ender , found a f ew job opp ortunities
in the g arment indus try or la undries , but w ere more o ften emplo yed as maids and domes tic ser vants .
Regardles s of the s tatus o f their jobs , however, Afric an Americ ans e arne d higher w ages in the N orth than the ydid f or the same o ccup ations in the South , and typic ally f ound housing to b e more a vailable.500 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
FIGURE 19.8 African American men who mo ved nor th as par t of the Gr eat Migr ation w ere often c onsigned t omenial emplo yment, such as w orking in c onstruction or as por ters on the r ailways (a), such as in the c elebr atedPullman dining and sleeping cars (b).
However, such ec onomic g ains w ere o ffset b y the higher c ost of living in the N orth, esp ecially in terms o f rent ,food costs, and other es sentials . As a result , Afric an Americ ans o ften f ound themselv es living in o vercro wded,unsanitar y conditions , much lik e the tenement slums in which Europ ean immigrants liv ed in the cities . Fornewly arriv ed Afric an Americ ans, even those who sought out the cities f or the opp ortunities the y pro vide d, lifein these urb an c enters w as e xceedingly difficult . The y quickly le arne d tha t racial discrimina tion did not end a t
the Mason-Dix on Line , but c ontinue d to flourish in the N orth as w ell as the South . Europ ean immigrants , alsoseeking a b etter lif e in the cities o f the Unite d Sta tes, resente d the arriv al of the Afric an Americ ans, whom the yfeared would c omp ete f or the same jobs or o ffer to w ork a t lower w ages. Landlords fre quently discrimina tedagains t them; their rapid influx into the cities cre ated sev ere housing shor tages and ev en more o vercro wdedtenements . Homeo wners in traditionally White neighb orho ods la ter entere d into c ovenants in which the y
agree d not to sell to Afric an Americ an buy ers; the y also o ften fle d neighb orho ods into which Afric anAmeric ans had g aine d suc cessful entr y. In addition , some b ank ers practic ed mor tgage discrimina tion , laterkno wn as “re dlining ,” in order to den y home lo ans to qualifie d buy ers. Such p ervasiv e discrimina tion le d to aconcentra tion o f Afric an Americ ans in some o f the w orst slum are as o f mos t major metrop olitan cities , aproblem tha t remaine d ong oing throughout mos t of the tw entieth c entur y.
So wh y mo ve to the N orth, giv en tha t the ec onomic challeng es the y fac ed were similar to those tha t Afric anAmeric ans enc ountere d in the South? The ans wer lies in nonec onomic g ains . Gre ater e duc ationalopp ortunities and more e xpansiv e personal free doms ma ttere d gre atly to the Afric an Americ ans who madethe trek nor thward during the Gre at Migra tion . Sta te legisla tures and lo cal scho ol dis tricts allo cated morefunds f or the e ducation o f both Black and White p eople in the N orth, and also enf orced compulsor y scho ol
attendanc e laws more rig orously . Similarly , unlik e the South where a simple g esture (or lack o f a def erentialone) c ould result in ph ysical harm to the Afric an Americ an who c ommit ted it, life in larg er, cro wded nor thernurban c enters p ermit ted a degree o f anon ymity —and with it , personal free dom—tha t ena bled Afric anAmeric ans to mo ve, work, and sp eak without def erring to ev ery White p erson with whom the y cros sed paths.
Psychologic ally, these g ains more than o ffset the c ontinue d ec onomic challeng es tha t Black migrants fac ed.
THE CHANGING NA TURE OF EUR OPEAN IMMIGRA TIONImmigrants also shifte d the demographics o f the rapidly gro wing cities . Although immigra tion had alw ays19.2 • The African American “ Great Migr ation ” and Ne w Eur opean Immigr ation 501been a f orce of chang e in the Unite d Sta tes, it to ok on a new character in the la te nineteenth c entur y. Beginningin the 1880s , the arriv al of immigrants from mos tly southern and e astern Europ ean c ountries rapidlyincre ased while the flo w from nor thern and w estern Europ e remaine d rela tively c onstant ( Table 19.1 ).
Region Countr y 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910Northern and W estern Eur ope 4,845,679 5,499,889 7,288,917 7,204,649 7,306,325German y 1,690,533 1,966,742 2,784,894 2,663,418 2,311,237Ireland 1,855,827 1,854,571 1,871,509 1,615,459 1,352,251England 550,924 662,676 908,141 840,513 877,719
Sweden 97,332 194,337 478,041 582,014 665,207Austria 30,508 38,663 123,271 275,907 626,341Norway 114,246 181,729 322,665 336,388 403,877Scotland 140,835 170,136 242,231 233,524 261,076Southern and Eas tern Eur ope 93,824 248,620 728,851 1,674,648 4,500,932
Italy 17,157 44,230 182,580 484,027 1,343,125Russia 4,644 35,722 182,644 423,726 1,184,412Poland 14,436 48,557 147,440 383,407 937,884Hung ary 3,737 11,526 62,435 145,714 495,609Czechoslo vakia 40,289 85,361 118,106 156,891 219,214
TABLE 19.1 Cumula tive Total o f the F oreign-Born P opula tion in the Unit ed S tates, 1870–1910 (b ymajor c ountr y of bir th and Eur opean r egion)The previous w aves o f immigrants from nor thern and w estern Europ e, particularly German y, Gre at Britain ,and the N ordic c ountries , were rela tively w ell o ff, arriving in the c ountr y with some funds and o ften mo ving tothe newly set tled western territories . In c ontras t, the new er immigrants from southern and e astern Europ ean
countries , including Italy , Greec e, and sev eral Sla vic c ountries including R ussia, c ame o ver due to “push ” and“pull ” factors similar to those tha t influenc ed the Afric an Americ ans arriving from the South . Man y were“pushe d” from their c ountries b y a series o f ong oing famines , by the nee d to esc ape religious , politic al, orracial p ersecution , or b y the desire to a void c ompulsor y militar y ser vice. The y were also “pulle d” by thepromise o f consis tent , wage-earning w ork.
Wha tever the re ason , these immigrants arriv ed without the e duc ation and financ es o f the e arlier w aves o fimmigrants , and set tled more re adily in the p ort towns where the y arriv ed, rather than set ting out to seek theirfortunes in the W est. By 1890, o ver 80 p ercent o f the p opula tion o f New Y ork w ould b e either f oreign-b orn orchildren o f foreign-b orn p arenta ge. Other cities sa w hug e spik es in f oreign p opula tions as w ell, though not tothe same degree , due in larg e part to Ellis Island in N ew Y ork City b eing the primar y port of entr y for mos t502 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900
Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
Europ ean immigrants arriving in the Unite d Sta tes.
The numb er o f immigrants p eaked between 1900 and 1910, when o ver nine million p eople arriv ed in theUnite d Sta tes. To as sist in the pro cessing and mana gement o f this mas sive wave of immigrants , the B ureau ofImmigra tion in N ew Y ork City , which had b ecome the o fficial p ort of entr y, opened Ellis Island in 1892. T oday,nearly half o f all Americ ans ha ve anc estors who , at some p oint in time , entere d the c ountr y through the p ortalat Ellis Island . Do ctors or nurses insp ecte d the immigrants up on arriv al, looking f or an y signs o f inf ectious
dise ases ( Figure 19.9 ). Mos t immigrants w ere admit ted to the c ountr y with only a cursor y glanc e at an y otherpaperwork. Roughly 2 p ercent o f the arriving immigrants w ere denie d entr y due to a me dical condition orcriminal his tory. The res t would enter the c ountr y by way of the s treets o f New Y ork, man y una ble to sp eakEnglish and totally reliant on finding those who sp oke their na tive tongue .
FIGURE 19.9 This phot o sho ws ne wly arriv ed immigr ants at El lis Island in Ne w York. Inspect ors ar e examiningthem f or contagious heal th pr oblems , which c ould r equir e them t o be sent back. (cr edit: NIAID)Seeking c omf ort in a s trang e land , as w ell as a c ommon langua ge, man y immigrants sought out rela tives,friends , former neighb ors, townsp eople , and c ountr ymen who had alre ady set tled in Americ an cities . This le dto a rise in ethnic encla ves within the larg er city . Lit tle Italy , China town, and man y other c ommunities
develop ed in which immigrant groups c ould find ev erything to remind them o f home , from lo cal langua genew spapers to ethnic f ood stores . While these encla ves pro vide d a sense o f community to their memb ers, the yadde d to the problems o f urb an c ong estion , particularly in the p oores t slums where immigrants c ould a ffordhousing .
CLICK AND EXPL OREThis Librar y of Congres s exhibit on the his tory of Jewish immigra tion ( )tothe Unite d Sta tes illus trates the ong oing challeng e immigrants f elt b etween the ties to their old land and a lo vefor Americ a.
The demographic shift a t the turn o f the c entur y was la ter c onfirme d by the Dillingham C ommis sion , cre atedby Congres s in 1907 to rep ort on the na ture o f immigra tion in Americ a; the c ommis sion reinf orced this ethnicidentific ation o f immigrants and their simultaneous discrimina tion . The rep ort put it simply: These new erimmigrants lo oked and acte d diff erently . The y had dark er skin tone , spoke langua ges with which mos tAmeric ans w ere unfamiliar , and practic ed unfamiliar religions , specific ally J udaism and C atholicism . Even the
foods the y sought out a t butchers and gro cery stores set immigrants ap art. Bec ause o f these e asily identifia bledifferenc es, new immigrants b ecame e asy targ ets f or ha tred and discrimina tion . If jobs w ere hard to find , or ifhousing w as o vercro wded, it b ecame e asy to blame the immigrants . Lik e Afric an Americ ans, immigrants incities w ere blame d for the problems o f the da y.19.2 • The African American “ Great Migr ation ” and Ne w Eur opean Immigr ation 503Growing numb ers o f Americ ans resente d the w aves o f new immigrants , resulting in a b acklash . The R everend
Josiah Strong fuele d the ha tred and discrimina tion in his b estselling b ook,Our C ountr y: Its P ossible F utureand Its P resent C risis , publishe d in 1885. In a revise d edition tha t reflecte d the 1890 c ensus rec ords , he cle arlyidentifie d undesira ble immigrants —those from southern and e astern Europ ean c ountries —as a k ey thre at tothe moral fib er o f the c ountr y, and urg ed all g ood Americ ans to fac e the challeng e. Sev eral thousandAmeric ans ans wered his c all b y forming the Americ an P rotectiv e As sociation , the chief p olitic al activis t group
to promote legisla tion curbing immigra tion into the Unite d Sta tes. The group suc cessfully lobbie d Congres s toadopt b oth an English langua ge literacy tes t for immigrants , which ev entually p assed in 1917, and the ChineseExclusion A ct (discus sed in a previous chapter). The group ’s politic al lobb ying also laid the groundw ork f or thesubse quent Emerg ency Quota A ct of 1921 and the Immigra tion A ct of 1924, as w ell as the N ational Origins A ct.
CLICK AND EXPL OREThe glob al timeline o f immigra tion ( at the Librar y of Congres s offers a summar yof immigra tion p olicies and the groups a ffecte d by it, as w ell as a c omp elling o verview o f diff erent ethnicgroups’ immigra tion s tories . Bro wse through to see ho w diff erent ethnic groups made their w ay in the Unite dStates.
19.3 Relief fr om the Chaos of Urban Lif eLEARNING OBJEC TIVESBy the end o f this section, y ou wil l be able t o:
•Identif y ho w each clas s of Americans —working clas s, middle clas s, and upper clas s—responded t o thechal leng es as sociat ed with urban lif e•Explain the pr ocess of machine politics and ho w it br ought r elief t o working-clas s AmericansSettlement houses and religious and civic org aniza tions a ttempte d to pro vide some supp ort to w orking-clas scity dw ellers through free he alth c are, education , and leisure opp ortunities . Still , for urb an citiz ens, life in the
city w as chaotic and challenging . But ho w tha t chaos manif ested and ho w relief w as sought diff ered gre atly,dep ending on where p eople w ere in the so cial c aste—the w orking clas s, the upp er clas s, or the newly emergingprofessional middle clas s—in addition to the a forementione d issues o f rac e and ethnicity . While man ycommunities f ound lif e in the larg est Americ an cities disorg aniz ed and o verwhelming , the w ays the y ans weredthese challeng es w ere as div erse as the p eople who liv ed there . Bro ad solutions emerg ed tha t were typic ally
clas s sp ecific: The rise o f machine p olitics and p opular culture pro vide d relief to the w orking clas s, highereducation opp ortunities and suburb aniza tion b enefit ted the pro fessional middle clas s, and reminders o f theirelite s tatus g ave comf ort to the upp er clas s. And ev eryone, no ma tter where the y fell in the clas s system ,benefite d from the eff orts to impro ve the ph ysical landsc apes o f the fas t-gro wing urb an en vironment .
THE LIFE AND STR UGGLES OF THE URBAN W ORKING CLASSFor the w orking-clas s residents o f Americ a’s cities , one practic al w ay of coping with the challeng es o f urb anlife was to tak e adv anta ge of the s ystem o f machine p olitics , while another w as to seek relief in the v ariety o fpopular culture and enter tainment f ound in and around cities . Although neither o f these f orms o f relief w asrestricte d to the w orking clas s, the y were the ones who relie d mos t he avily on them .
Machine P oliticsThe primar y form o f relief f or w orking-clas s urb an Americ ans, and p articularly immigrants , came in the f ormofmachine p olitics. This phrase ref erre d to the pro cess by which ev ery citiz en o f the city , no ma tter theirethnicity or rac e, was a w ard resident with an alderman who sp oke on their b ehalf a t city hall . When ev erydaychalleng es arose , whether sanita tion problems or the nee d for a sidew alk along a muddy ro ad, citiz ens w ould
appro ach their alderman to find a solution . The aldermen knew tha t, rather than w ork through the longbure aucra tic pro cess as sociated with city hall , the y could w ork within the “machine ” of local politics to find a504 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
speedy, mutually b eneficial solution . In machine p olitics , favors w ere e xchang ed for v otes , votes w ere giv en inexchang e for fas t solutions , and the pric e of the solutions include d a kickb ack to the b oss. In the shor t term ,everyone g ot wha t the y nee ded, but the pro cess was neither transp arent nor demo cratic, and it w as aninefficient w ay of conducting the city ’s busines s.
One e xample o f a machine p olitic al system w as the Demo cratic p olitic al machine Tamman y Hall in N ew Y ork,run b y machine b oss William Tw eed with as sistanc e from Georg e Washington Plunkit t (Figure 19.10 ). There ,citiz ens knew their imme diate problems w ould b e addres sed in return f or their promise o f politic al supp ort infuture elections . In this w ay, machines pro vide d timely solutions f or citiz ens and v otes f or the p oliticians . Forexample , if in Lit tle Italy there w as a desp erate nee d for sidew alks in order to impro ve tra ffic to the s tores on a
particular s treet , the re ques t would lik ely g et bogged do wn in the bure aucra tic re d tap e at city hall . Ins tead,store o wners w ould appro ach the machine . A dis trict c aptain w ould appro ach the “b oss” and mak e him a wareof the problem . The b oss would c ontact city p oliticians and s trongly urg e them to appropria te the nee dedfunds f or the sidew alk in e xchang e for the promise tha t the b oss would direct v otes in their fa vor in theupcoming election . The b oss then use d the funds to p ay one o f his friends f or the sidew alk c onstruction ,
typic ally a t an e xorbitant c ost, with a financial kickb ack to the b oss, which w as kno wn as graft . The sidew alkwas built more quickly than an yone hop ed, in e xchang e for the citiz ens’ promises to v ote f or machine -supp orted candida tes in the ne xt elections . Despite its c orrupt na ture , Tamman y Hall es sentially ran N ew Y orkpolitics from the 1850s until the 1930s . Other larg e cities , including Bos ton, Philadelphia, Clev eland , St. Louis ,and K ansas City , made use o f politic al machines as w ell.
FIGURE 19.10 This political car toon depicts the c ontr ol of Bos s Tweed, o f Tamman y Hal l, over the election pr ocessin Ne w York. Wh y were people wil ling t o ac cept the c orrup tion in volved in machine politics?
Popular Cultur e and EntertainmentWorking-clas s residents also f ound relief in the div erse and omnipresent o fferings o f popular culture andenter tainment in and around cities . These o fferings pro vide d an imme diate esc ape from the squalor anddifficulties o f everyday life. As impro ved me ans o f internal transp ortation dev elop ed, working-clas s residentscould esc ape the city and e xperienc e one o f the p opular new f orms o f enter tainment —the amusement p ark.
For e xample , Coney Island on the Bro oklyn shoreline c onsis ted of sev eral diff erent amusement p arks , the firs tof which op ened in 1895 ( Figure 19.11 ). At these p arks , New Y orkers enjo yed wild rides , animal a ttractions ,and larg e stage pro ductions designe d to help them f orget the s truggles o f their w orking-da y liv es. Freak “ side ”19.3 • R elief fr om the Chaos o f Urban Lif e505shows fed the public’ s curiosity a bout ph ysical devianc e. For a mere ten c ents , specta tors c ould w atch a high-diving horse , tak e a ride to the mo on to w atch mo on maidens e at green cheese , or witnes s the electro cution o f
an elephant , a sp ectacle tha t fascina ted the public b oth with technologic al mar vels and e xotic wildlif e. Thetreatment o f animals in man y acts a t Coney Island and other public amusement p arks drew the a ttention o fmiddle -clas s ref ormers such as the Americ an So ciety f or the P revention o f Cruelty to Animals . Despiteques tions reg arding the propriety o f man y of the acts , other cities quickly f ollowed New Y ork’s lead withsimilar , if smaller , versions o f Coney Island ’s attractions .
FIGURE 19.11 The Dr eamland Amusement P ark t ower w as jus t one o f Cone y Island’ s amusements .
CLICK AND EXPL OREThe Coney Island His tory Project ( tory.org/collection) shows a photographic his toryof Coney Island . Look to see wha t elements o f Americ an culture , from the hot dog to the roller c oaster, debute dthere .
Another c ommon f orm o f popular enter tainment w as v audeville —larg e stage variety sho ws tha t include deverything from singing , dancing , and c ome dy acts to liv e animals and ma gic. The v audeville circuit g ave riseto sev eral prominent p erformers , including ma gician Harr y Houdini , who b egan his c areer in these v arietyshows before his fame prop elled him to solo acts . In addition to liv e the ater sho ws, it w as primarily w orking-clas s citiz ens who enjo yed the adv ent o f the nick elodeon , a forer unner to the mo vie the ater. The firs t
nick elodeon op ened in Pit tsburgh in 1905, where ne arly one hundre d visitors p acked into a s torefront the aterto see a traditional v audeville sho w intersp erse d with one -minute film clips . Sev eral the aters initially use d thefilms as “ chasers” to indic ate the end o f the sho w to the liv e audienc e so the y would cle ar the a uditorium .
However, a v audeville p erformers’ s trike genera ted ev en gre ater interes t in the films , eventually resulting inthe rise o f mo dern mo vie the aters b y 1910.
One other major f orm o f enter tainment f or the w orking clas s was pro fessional b aseb all (Figure 19.12 ). Clubteams trans forme d into pro fessional b aseb all te ams with the Cincinna ti Red Sto ckings , now the Cincinna tiReds, in 1869. So on, pro fessional te ams sprang up in sev eral major Americ an cities . Baseb all g ames pro vide dan ine xpensiv e form o f enter tainment , where f or les s than a dollar , a p erson c ould enjo y a double -header , twohot dogs , and a b eer. But more imp ortantly , the te ams b ecame a w ay for newly relo cated Americ ans and
immigrants o f div erse b ackgrounds to dev elop a unifie d civic identity , all cheering f or one te am. By 1876, theNational Le ague had f orme d, and so on a fter, cathedral-s tyle b allp arks b egan to spring up in man y cities .
Fenway Park in Bos ton (1912), F orbes F ield in Pit tsburgh (1909), and the P olo Grounds in N ew Y ork (1890) allbecame touch p oints where w orking-clas s Americ ans c ame tog ether to supp ort a c ommon c ause.506 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
FIGURE 19.12 Boston’s Fenway Park opened in 1912 and w as a popular sit e for w orking-clas s Bos tonians t o spendtheir leisur e time . The “ Green Mons ter,” the ic onic, left field w all, mak es it one o f the mos t recognizable s tadiums inbasebal l today.
Other p opular sp orts include d priz e-fighting , which a ttracte d a pre dominantly male , working- and middle -clas s audienc e who liv ed vic ariously through the triumphs o f the b oxers during a time where opp ortunities f orindividual suc cess were rapidly shrinking , and c olleg e football, which p arallele d a mo dern c orporation in itsteam hierarch y, divisions o f duties , and emphasis on time mana gement .
THE UPPER CLASS IN THE CITIESThe Americ an financial elite did not nee d to cro wd into cities to find w ork, like their w orking-clas scounterp arts. But as urb an c enters w ere vital busines s cores , where multi-million-dollar financial de als w eremade daily , those who w orked in tha t world wishe d to remain close to the action . The rich chose to b e in themids t of the chaos o f the cities , but the y were also a ble to pro vide signific ant me asures o f comf ort,
convenienc e, and luxur y for themselv es.
Wealth y citiz ens seldom a ttende d wha t the y considere d the cras s enter tainment o f the w orking clas s. Ins teadof amusement p arks and b aseb all g ames , urb an elites sought out more refine d pastimes tha t undersc oredtheir kno wledge of art and culture , pref erring clas sical music c oncerts, fine ar t collections , and so cialgatherings with their p eers . In N ew Y ork, Andrew C arnegie built C arnegie Hall in 1891, which quickly b ecamethe c enter o f clas sical music p erformanc es in the c ountr y. Nearby, the Metrop olitan Museum o f Art op ened its
doors in 1872 and s till remains one o f the larg est collections o f fine ar t in the w orld . Other cities f ollowed suit ,and these cultural pursuits b ecame a w ay for the upp er clas s to remind themselv es o f their elev ated plac eamid urb an squalor .
As new opp ortunities f or the middle clas s thre atene d the a usterity o f upp er-clas s citiz ens, including the new erforms o f transp ortation tha t allo wed middle -clas s Americ ans to tra vel with gre ater e ase, wealthier Americ anssought unique w ays to fur ther set themselv es ap art in so ciety . These include d more e xpensiv e excursions ,such as v acations in N ewp ort, Rho de Island , winter relo cation to sunn y Florida, and fre quent trips a boardsteamships to Europ e. For those who w ere not o f the highly resp ecte d “old mone y,” but only rec ently obtaine d
their riches through busines s ventures , the relief the y sought c ame in the f orm o f one b ook—the annual SocialRegis ter. First publishe d in 1886 b y Louis K eller in N ew Y ork City , the regis ter b ecame a director y of thewealth y so cialites who p opula ted the city . Keller up dated it annually , and p eople w ould w atch with v aryingdegrees o f anxiety or c omplac ency to see their names app ear in print . Also c alled the Blue Bo ok, the regis terwas ins trumental in the planning o f society dinners , balls, and other so cial ev ents . For those o f new er w ealth ,
there w as relief f ound simply in the notion tha t the y and others witnes sed their w ealth through the public ationof their names in the regis ter.
A NEW MIDDLE CLASSWhile the w orking clas s were c onfine d to tenement houses in the cities b y their nee d to b e close to their w orkand the lack o f funds to find an yplac e better, and the w ealth y clas s chose to remain in the cities to s tay close tothe action o f big busines s transactions , the emerging middle clas sresp onde d to urb an challeng es with theirown solutions . This group include d the mana gers, salesmen , engineers , doctors , accountants , and other19.3 • R elief fr om the Chaos o f Urban Lif e507
salarie d pro fessionals who s till w orked for a living , but w ere signific antly b etter e duc ated and c omp ensa tedthan the w orking-clas s poor. For this new middle clas s, relief from the trials o f the cities c ame througheducation and suburb aniza tion .
In larg e part, the middle clas s resp onde d to the challeng es o f the city b y ph ysically esc aping it . Astransp ortation impro ved and outlying c ommunities c onnecte d to urb an c enters , the middle clas s embrac ed anew typ e of community —the suburbs . It b ecame p ossible f or those with ade qua te me ans to w ork in the city andescape each ev ening , by way of a train or trolle y, to a house in the suburbs . As the numb er o f people mo ving tothe suburbs grew , there also grew a p erception among the middle clas s tha t the far ther one liv ed from the city
and the more amenities one had , the more a ffluenc e one had achiev ed.
Although a f ew suburbs e xisted in the Unite d Sta tes prior to the 1880s (such as Llew ellyn P ark, New J erse y),the intro duction o f the electric railw ay genera ted gre ater interes t and gro wth during the las t dec ade o f thecentur y. The a bility to tra vel from home to w ork on a rela tively quick and che ap mo de o f transp ortationencoura ged more Americ ans o f mo dest me ans to c onsider living a way from the chaos o f the city . Eventually ,Henr y Ford’s populariza tion o f the a utomobile , specific ally in terms o f a lo wer pric e, permit ted more families
to own c ars and thus c onsider suburb an lif e. Later in the tw entieth c entur y, both the adv ent o f the inters tatehigh way system , along with f ederal legisla tion designe d to allo w families to c onstruct homes with lo w-interes tloans, fur ther sp arked the suburb an phenomenon .
New R oles f or Middle-Class W omenSocial norms o f the da y enc oura ged middle -clas s women to tak e gre at pride in cre ating a p ositiv e homeenvironment f or their w orking husb ands and scho ol-a ge children , which reinf orced the busines s andeducational principles tha t the y practic ed on the job or in scho ol. It w as a t this time tha t the ma gazines Ladies 'Home J ournal and Good Housek eeping began dis tribution , to tremendous p opularity ( Figure 19.13 ).
FIGURE 19.13 The middle -clas s famil y of the lat e ninet eenth c entur y lar gely embr aced a separ ation o f gender edspher es that had firs t emer ged during the mark et revolution o f the ant ebel lum y ears . Wher eas the husband earnedmone y for the famil y outside the home , the wif e oversa w domes tic chor es, raised the childr en, and t ended t o thefamil y’s spiritual , social , and cul tural needs . The mag azine Good Housek eeping , launched in 1885, capitaliz ed onthe middle -clas s woman ’s focus on maintaining a pride -worthy home .
While the v ast majority o f middle -clas s women to ok on the e xpecte d role o f housewif e and homemak er, somewomen w ere finding p aths to c olleg e. A small numb er o f men ’s colleg es b egan to op en their do ors to w omen inthe mid-1800s , and c o-education b ecame an option . Some o f the mos t elite univ ersities cre ated affilia ted508 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
women ’s colleg es, such as Radcliff e Colleg e with Har vard, and P embrok e Colleg e with Bro wn Univ ersity . Butmore imp ortantly , the firs t women ’s colleg es op ened at this time . Mount Holy oke, Vassar, Smith , and W ellesle yColleg es, still some o f the b est kno wn w omen ’s scho ols, opened their do ors b etween 1865 and 1880, and ,although enrollment w as lo w (initial clas s siz es rang ed from sixty -one s tudents a t Vassar to sev enty a tWellesle y, sev enty -one a t Smith , and up to eighty -eight a t Mount Holy oke), the opp ortunity f or a higher
education , and ev en a c areer , began to emerg e for y oung w omen . These scho ols o ffered a unique , all-w omenenvironment in which pro fessors and a c ommunity o f educ ation-seeking y oung w omen c ame tog ether . Whilemos t colleg e-educated young w omen s till marrie d, their e duc ation o ffered them new opp ortunities to w orkoutside the home , mos t fre quently as te achers , pro fessors , or in the a forementione d set tlement houseenvironments cre ated by Jane A ddams and others .
Education and the Middle ClassSinc e the children o f the pro fessional clas s did not ha ve to le ave scho ol and find w ork to supp ort their families ,they had opp ortunities f or e ducation and adv ancement tha t would solidif y their p osition in the middle clas s.
The y also b enefite d from the presenc e of stay-at-home mothers , unlik e working-clas s children , whose motherstypic ally w orked the same long hours as their fa thers . Public scho ol enrollment e xplo ded at this time , with thenumb er o f students a ttending public scho ol tripling from sev en million in 1870 to tw enty -one million in 1920.
Unlik e the old-fashione d one -room scho olhouses , larg er scho ols slo wly b egan the practic e of emplo yingdifferent te achers f or e ach grade , and some ev en b egan hiring discipline -specific ins tructors . High scho olsalso grew a t this time , from one hundre d high scho ols na tionally in 1860 to o ver six thousand b y 1900.
The f ederal g overnment supp orted the gro wth o f higher e duc ation with the Morrill A cts o f 1862 and 1890.
These la ws set aside public land and f ederal funds to cre ate land-grant c olleg es tha t were a fforda ble to middle -clas s families , offering c ourses and degrees useful in the pro fessions , but also in trade , commerc e, indus try,and a griculture ( Figure 19.14 ). Land-grant c olleg es stood in c ontras t to the e xpensiv e, priv ate Iv y Le agueuniv ersities such as Har vard and Y ale, which s till c atere d to the elite . Iowa became the firs t state to ac cept theprovisions o f the original Morrill A ct, cre ating wha t later b ecame Io wa Sta te Univ ersity . Other s tates so on
followed suit , and the a vailability o f an a fforda ble c olleg e educ ation enc oura ged a b oost in enrollment , from50,000 s tudents na tion wide in 1870 to o ver 600,000 s tudents b y 1920.
FIGURE 19.14 This r endering o f Kansas Stat e Univ ersity in 1878 sho ws an earl y land-gr ant c ollege, created b y theMorril l Act. These ne wly created schools al lowed man y mor e students t o attend c ollege than the elit e Ivy L eaguesystem, and f ocused mor e on pr eparing them f or pr ofessional car eers in busines s, medicine , and la w, as w ell asbusines s, agricul ture, and other tr ades .
Colleg e curricula also chang ed at this time . Students grew les s lik ely to tak e traditional lib eral ar ts clas ses inrhetoric , philosoph y, and f oreign langua ge, and ins tead focuse d on prep aring f or the mo dern w ork w orld .
Professional scho ols f or the s tudy o f me dicine , law, and busines s also dev elop ed. In shor t, educ ation f or thechildren o f middle -clas s parents c atere d to clas s-specific interes ts and help ed ensure tha t parents c ouldestablish their children c omf ortably in the middle clas s as w ell.19.3 • R elief fr om the Chaos o f Urban Lif e509“CIT Y BEA UTIFUL ”While the w orking p oor liv ed in the w orst of it and the w ealth y elite sought to a void it , all city dw ellers a t the
time had to de al with the harsh re alities o f urb an spra wl. Sky scrap ers rose and fille d the air , streets w erecrowded with p edestrians o f all sor ts, and , as dev elop ers w orked to meet the alw ays-incre asing demand f orspace, the f ew remaining green sp aces in the city quickly disapp eared. As the U .S. p opula tion b ecameincre asingly c entere d in urb an are as while the c entur y drew to a close , ques tions a bout the quality o f citylife—particularly with reg ard to is sues o f aes thetics , crime , and p overty—quickly c onsume d man y ref ormers’
minds . Those middle -clas s and w ealthier urb anites who enjo yed the c ostlier amenities presente d by citylife—including the aters , res taurants , and shopping—w ere free to esc ape to the suburbs , leaving b ehind thepoorer w orking clas ses living in squalor and unsanitar y conditions . Through the City Be autiful movement ,leaders such as F rederick La w Olms ted and Daniel B urnham sought to champion middle - and upp er-clas sprogres sive ref orms . The y impro ved the quality o f life for city dw ellers , but also cultiv ated middle -clas s-
domina ted urb an sp aces in which Americ ans o f diff erent ethnicities , racial origins , and clas ses w orked andlived.
Olms ted, one o f the e arlies t and mos t influential designers o f urb an green sp ace, and the original designer o fCentral P ark in N ew Y ork, worked with B urnham to intro duce the ide a of the City Be autiful mo vement a t theColumbian Exp osition in 1893. There , the y help ed to design and c onstruct the “ White City ”—so name d for theplas ter o f Paris c onstruction o f sev eral buildings tha t were subse quently p ainte d a bright white —an e xample o flandsc aping and architecture tha t shone as an e xample o f perfect city planning . From wide -open green sp aces
to brightly p ainte d white buildings , connecte d with mo dern transp ortation ser vices and appropria tesanita tion , the “ White City ” set the s tage for Americ an urb an city planning f or the ne xt genera tion , beginningin 1901 with the mo derniza tion o f Washington , DC. This mo del enc oura ged city planners to c onsider threeprincip al tenets: F irst, cre ate larg er p ark are as inside cities; sec ond , build wider b oulev ards to decre ase tra fficcong estion and allo w for lines o f trees and other greener y between lanes; and third , add more suburbs in order
to mitig ate cong ested living in the city itself ( Figure 19.15 ). As e ach city adapte d these principles in v ariousways, the City Be autiful mo vement b ecame a c orners tone o f urb an dev elopment w ell into the tw entiethcentur y.
FIGURE 19.15 This blueprint sho ws Burnham ’s vision f or Chicag o, an e xample o f the City Beautiful mo vement. Hisgoal w as to preser ve much o f the gr een spac e along the city ’s lak efront, and t o ensur e that al l city dw ellers hadaccess to green spac e.510 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
19.4 Change R eflected in Thought and W ritingLEARNING OBJEC TIVESBy the end o f this section, y ou wil l be able t o:
•Explain ho w American writ ers, both fiction and nonfiction, helped Americans t o bet ter unders tand the chang esthey fac ed in the lat e ninet eenth and earl y tw entieth c enturies•Identif y some o f the influential w omen and African American writ ers o f the er aIn the la te nineteenth c entur y, Americ ans w ere living in a w orld characteriz ed by rapid chang e. Westernexpansion , drama tic new technologies , and the rise o f big busines s dras tically influenc ed so ciety in a ma tter o f
a few dec ades . For those living in the fas t-gro wing urb an are as, the p ace of chang e was ev en fas ter and harderto ignore . One result o f this time o f trans forma tion w as the emerg ence of a series o f nota ble a uthors , who ,whether writing fiction or nonfiction , offered a lens through which to b etter unders tand the shifts in Americ ansociety .
UNDERST ANDING SOCIAL PR OGRESSOne k ey ide a of the nineteenth c entur y tha t mo ved from the re alm o f scienc e to the murkier ground o f socialand ec onomic suc cess was Charles Dar win’s theor y of evolution . Dar win w as a British na turalis t who , in his1859 w ork On the Origin o f Species , made the c ase tha t species dev elop and ev olve through na tural selection ,not through divine inter vention . The ide a quickly drew fire from the Anglic an Church (although a lib eral
branch o f Anglic ans embrac ed the notion o f na tural selection b eing p art of Go d’s plan) and la ter from man yothers , both in England and a broad, who f elt tha t the theor y directly c ontradicte d the role o f Go d in the e arth’screation . Although biologis ts, botanis ts, and mos t of the scientific es tablishment widely ac cepte d the theor y ofevolution a t the time o f Dar win’s public ation , which the y felt s ynthesiz ed much o f the previous w ork in thefield , the theor y remaine d contro versial in the public re alm f or dec ades .
Politic al philosopher Herb ert Spencer to ok Dar win’s theor y of evolution fur ther , coining the actual phrase“survival of the fit test,” and la ter helping to p opulariz e the phrase social Dar winism to p osit tha t societyevolved much lik e a na tural org anism , wherein some individuals will suc ceed due to racially and ethnic allyinherent traits , and their a bility to adapt . This mo del allo wed tha t a c ollection o f traits and skills , which c ouldinclude intellig ence, inherite d wealth , and so on , mix ed with the a bility to adapt , would let all Americ ans rise
or fall o f their o wn ac cord, so long as the ro ad to suc cess was ac cessible to all . William Graham Sumner , asociologis t at Yale, became the mos t vocal prop onent o f social Dar winism . Not surprisingly , this ideolog y,which Dar win himself w ould ha ve rejecte d as a gros s misre ading o f his scientific disc overies , drew gre at praisefrom those who made their w ealth a t this time . The y sa w their suc cess as pro of of biologic al fitnes s, althoughcritics o f this theor y were quick to p oint out tha t those who did not suc ceed often did not ha ve the same
opp ortunities or e qual pla ying field tha t the ideolog y of social Dar winism purp orted. Eventually , the c onceptfell into disrepute in the 1930s and 1940s , as eug enicis ts began to utiliz e it in c onjunction with their racialtheories o f genetic sup eriority .
Other think ers o f the da y took Charles Dar win’s theories in a more nuanc ed direction , focusing on diff erenttheories o frealism that sought to unders tand the tr uth underlying the chang es in the Unite d Sta tes. Thesethink ers b eliev ed tha t ide as and so cial c onstructs mus t be pro ven to w ork b efore the y could b e ac cepte d.
Philosopher W illiam J ames w as one o f the k ey prop onents o f the closely rela ted concept o fpragmat ism , whichheld tha t Americ ans nee ded to e xperiment with diff erent ide as and p ersp ectiv es to find the tr uth a boutAmeric an so ciety , rather than as suming tha t there w as tr uth in old , previously ac cepte d mo dels . Only b y tyingideas, thoughts , and s tatements to actual objects and o ccurrenc es c ould one b egin to identif y a c oherent tr uth,according to J ames . His w ork s trongly influenc ed the subse quent a vant-garde and mo dernis t mo vements in
litera ture and ar t, esp ecially in unders tanding the role o f the obser ver, artist, or writer in shaping the so cietythey attempte d to obser ve. John Dew ey built on the ide a of pra gma tism to cre ate a theor y ofinstrumentalism ,which adv ocated the use o f education in the se arch f or tr uth. Dew ey believ ed tha t educ ation , specific allyobser vation and chang e through the scientific metho d, was the b est tool by which to ref orm and impro ve19.4 • Chang e Reflect ed in Thought and W riting 511Americ an so ciety as it c ontinue d to gro w ev er more c omple x. To tha t end , Dew ey strongly enc oura ged
educational ref orms designe d to cre ate an inf orme d Americ an citiz enry tha t could then f orm the b asis f orother , much-nee ded progres sive ref orms in so ciety .
In addition to the new me dium o f photograph y, populariz ed by Riis , novelists and other ar tists also embrac edrealism in their w ork. The y sought to p ortray vignet tes from re al lif e in their s tories , partly in resp onse to themore sentimental w orks o f their pre decessors . Visual ar tists such as Georg e Bello ws, Edward Hopp er, andRobert Henri , among others , forme d the Ashc an Scho ol of Art, which w as interes ted primarily in depicting theurban lif estyle tha t was quickly gripping the Unite d Sta tes a t the turn o f the c entur y. Their w orks typic ally
focuse d on w orking-clas s city lif e, including the slums and tenement houses , as w ell as w orking-clas s forms o fleisure and enter tainment ( Figure 19.16 ).
FIGURE 19.16 Like mos t examples o f works by Ashcan ar tists,The Cliff Dw ellers, by Geor ge Wesle y Bel lows,depicts the cr owd of urban lif e realis tical ly. (credit: L os Ang eles County Museum o f Art)Novelists and journalis ts also p opulariz ed re alism in literar y works . Authors such as Stephen C rane , who wrotestark s tories a bout lif e in the slums or during the Civil W ar, and R ebecca Harding Da vis, who in 1861 publishe dLife in the Iron Mills , emb odied this p opular s tyle. Mark Tw ain also sought re alism in his b ooks, whether it w as
the re ality o f the pioneer spirit , seen in The A dventures o f Huckleb erry Finn, publishe d in 1884, or the is sue o fcorruption in The Gilde d Ag e, co-authore d with Charles Dudle y Warner in 1873. The narra tives and visual ar tsof these re alists could nonetheles s be highly s tyliz ed, cra fted, and ev en fa bric ated, sinc e their g oal w as theeffectiv e portrayal of social re alities the y thought re quire d ref orm . Some a uthors , such as J ack London , whowrote The C all o f the W ild, embrac ed a scho ol of thought c allednaturalism , which c onclude d tha t the la ws of
nature and the na tural w orld w ere the only tr uly relev ant la ws governing humanity ( Figure 19.17 ).512 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
FIGURE 19.17 Jack L ondon poses with his dog R ollo in 1885 (a). The c over of Jack L ondon ’sThe Cal l of the Wild (b)shows the dogs in the brutal en vironment o f the Klondik e. The book t ells the s tory of Buck, a dog living happil y inCalif ornia until he is sold t o be a sled dog in Canada . Ther e, he mus t sur vive harsh c onditions and brutal beha vior,but his innat e animal natur e tak es o ver and he pr evails. The s tory clarifies the s trug gle betw een humanity ’s natur eversus the nur turing f orces o f society .
Kate Chopin , widely reg arde d as the f oremos t woman shor t story writer and no velist of her da y, sought toportray a re alistic view o f women ’s liv es in la te nineteenth-c entur y Americ a, thus p aving the w ay for moreexplicit f eminis t litera ture in g enera tions to c ome . Although Chopin nev er describ ed herself as a f eminis t perse, her reflectiv e works on her e xperienc es as a southern w oman intro duced a f orm o f cre ative nonfiction tha tcapture d the s truggles o f women in the Unite d Sta tes through their o wn individual e xperienc es. She also w as
among the firs t authors to op enly addres s the rac e issue o f misc egenation , a term ref erring to interracialrela tions , which usually has neg ative as sociations . In her w ork Desiree ’s Ba by, Chopin sp ecific ally e xplores theCreole c ommunity o f her na tive Louisiana in depths tha t exposed the re ality o f racism in a manner seldomseen in litera ture o f the time .
Afric an Americ an p oet, pla ywright , and no velist of the re alist perio d, Paul La urenc e Dunb ar de alt with is suesof rac e at a time when mos t ref orm-minde d Americ ans pref erre d to f ocus on other is sues . Through hiscombina tion o f writing in b oth s tandard English and Black dialect , Dunb ar delighte d re aders with his richportrayals o f the suc cesses and s truggles as sociated with Afric an Americ an lif e. Although he initially s truggle dto find the p atrona ge and financial supp ort require d to dev elop a full-time literar y career , Dunb ar’s
subse quent pro fessional rela tionship with literar y critic and Atlantic Monthly editor W illiam De an Ho wellshelp ed to firmly c ement his literar y cre dentials as the f oremos t Afric an Americ an writer o f his g enera tion . Aswith Chopin and Harding Da vis, Dunb ar’s writing highlighte d parts of the Americ an e xperienc e tha t were notwell unders tood by the dominant demographic o f the c ountr y. In their w ork, these a uthors pro vide d re aderswith insights into a w orld tha t was not nec essarily familiar to them and also g ave hidden c ommunities —be it
iron mill w orkers, southern w omen , or Afric an Americ an men—a sense o f voice.
CLICK AND EXPL OREMark Tw ain’slamp oon o f author Hora tio A lger( ain1) demons trates Tw ain’scommitment to re alism b y mo cking the m yth set out b y Alger, whose s tories f ollowed a c ommon theme inwhich a p oor but hones t boy goes from ra gs to riches through a c ombina tion o f “luck and pluck .” See ho w19.4 • Chang e Reflect ed in Thought and W riting 513Twain twis ts A lger’s hug ely p opular s toryline in this piec e of satire.
Kate Chopin: An A wakening in an Unpopular TimeAuthor K ate Chopin gr ew up in the American South and lat er mo ved to St. L ouis , wher e she beg an writing s toriesto mak e a living aft er the death o f her husband. She published her w orks thr oughout the lat e 1890s , with s toriesappearing in lit erary mag azines and local papers . It w as her sec ond no vel,The A wakening , which g ained hernotoriety and criticism in her lif etime , and ong oing lit erary fame aft er her death ( Figure 19.18 ).
FIGURE 19.18 Critics r ailed ag ains t Kate Chopin, the author o f the 1899 no velThe A wakening , criticizing itsstark por trayal of a w oman s trug gling with societal c onfines and her o wn desir es. In the tw entieth c entur y,scholars r edisc overed Chopin ’s work and The A wakening is no w consider ed par t of the canon o f Americanliteratur e.
The A wakening , set in the Ne w Orleans society that Chopin kne w well, tells the s tory of a w oman s trug gling withthe c onstraints o f marriag e who ul timat ely seek s her o wn fulfil lment o ver the needs o f her famil y. The book dealsfar mor e openl y than mos t novels o f the da y with ques tions o f women ’s sexual desir es. It also flout edninet eenth-c entur y conventions b y looking at the pr otag onis t’s strug gles with the tr aditional r ole e xpect ed o fwomen.
While a f ew contempor ary reviewers sa w merit in the book, mos t criticiz ed it as immor al and unseeml y. It w ascensor ed, cal led “ pure poison, ” and critics r ailed ag ains t Chopin herself . While Chopin wr ote squar ely in thetradition o f realism that w as popular at this time , her w ork c overed gr ound that w as consider ed “ too real” forcomfort. Aft er the neg ative reception o f the no vel, Chopin r etreated fr om public lif e and disc ontinued writing . Shedied fiv e years aft er its publication. Aft er her death, Chopin ’s work w as lar gely ignor ed, until scholars
redisc overed it in the lat e tw entieth c entur y, and her book s and s tories came back int o print. The A wakening inparticular has been r ecogniz ed as vital t o the earlies t edg es o f the modern f eminis t mo vement.DEFINING AMERICAN514 19 • The Gr owing P ains o f Urbaniza tion, 1870-1900Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
CLICK AND EXPL OREExcerpts from inter view s( techopin) with Da vid Chopin , Kate Chopin ’s grandson , and ascholar who s tudies her w ork pro vide interes ting p ersp ectiv es on the a uthor and her view s.
CRITICS OF MODERN AMERICAWhile man y Americ ans a t this time , both ev eryday working p eople and theoris ts, felt the chang es o f the erawould le ad to impro vements and opp ortunities , there w ere critics o f the emerging so cial shifts as w ell.
Although les s popular than Tw ain and London , authors such as E dward Bellam y, Henr y Georg e, and Thors teinVeblen w ere also influential in spre ading critiques o f the indus trial a ge. While their critiques w ere quitedistinct from e ach other , all three b eliev ed tha t the indus trial a ge was a s tep in the wrong direction f or thecountr y.
In the 1888 no velLooking Backw ard, 2000-1887 , Edward Bellam y portrays a utopian Americ a in the y ear2000, with the c ountr y living in p eace and harmon y after a bandoning the c apitalis t mo del and mo ving to asocialis t state. In the b ook, Bellam y pre dicts the future adv ent o f cre dit c ards , cable enter tainment , and“super-store ” cooperatives tha t resemble a mo dern da y Wal-Mar t.Looking Backw ard proved to b e a p opularbestseller (third only to Uncle T om’s Cabin and Ben Hur among la te nineteenth-c entur y public ations) and
app ealed to those who f elt the indus trial a ge of big busines s was sending the c ountr y in the wrong direction .
Eug ene Debs , who le d the na tional Pullman Railro ad Strik e in 1894, la ter c ommente d on ho w Bellam y’s workinfluenc ed him to adopt so cialism as the ans wer to the e xploita tive indus trial c apitalis t mo del. In addition ,Bellam y’s work spurre d the public ation o f no f ewer than thir ty-six additional b ooks or ar ticles b y other writers ,either supp orting Bellam y’s outlo ok or directly criticizing it . In 1897, Bellam y felt c omp elled to publish asequel , entitle dEquality , in which he fur ther e xplaine d ide as he had previously intro duced concerning
educational ref orm and w omen ’s equality , as w ell as a w orld o f vegetarians who sp eak a univ ersal langua ge.
Another a uthor whose w ork illus trated the criticisms o f the da y was nonfiction writer Henr y Georg e, aneconomis t best kno wn f or his 1879 w ork Progres s and P overty, which criticiz ed the ine quality f ound in anindus trial ec onom y. He sugg ested tha t, while p eople should o wn tha t which the y cre ate, all land and na turalresourc es should b elong to all e qually , and should b e tax ed through a “ single land tax ” in order todisinc entiviz e priv ate land o wnership . His thoughts influenc ed man y ec onomic progres sive ref ormers , as w ell
as le d directly to the cre ation o f the no w-p opular b oard g ame , Monop oly.
Another critique o f late nineteenth-c entur y Americ an c apitalism w as Thors tein V eblen , who lamente d in TheTheor y of the Leisure Clas s(1899) tha t capitalism cre ated a middle clas s more preo ccupie d with its o wncomf ort and c onsumption than with maximizing pro duction . In c oining the phrase “ conspicuousconsumption ,” Veblen identifie d the me ans b y which one clas s of nonpro ducers e xploite d the w orking clas sthat pro duced the g oods for their c onsumption . Such practic es, including the cre ation o f busines s trusts,
served only to cre ate a gre ater divide b etween the ha ves and ha ve-nots in Americ an so ciety , and resulte d ineconomic inefficiencies tha t require d correction or ref orm .19.4 • Chang e Reflect ed in Thought and W riting 515Key T ermsCity Be autiful a mo vement b egun b y Daniel B urnham and F redrick La w Olms ted, who b eliev ed tha t citiesshould b e built with three c ore tenets in mind: the inclusion o f parks within city limits , the cre ation o f wide
boulev ards , and the e xpansion o f more suburbsgraft the financial kickb ack pro vide d to city b osses in e xchang e for p olitic al fa vorsGre at Migrat ion the name f or the larg e wave of Afric an Americ ans who left the South a fter the Civil W ar,mos tly mo ving to cities in the N ortheast and Upp er Midw estinstrumentalism a theor y promote d by John Dew ey, who b eliev ed tha t educ ation w as k ey to the se arch f or
the tr uth a bout ide als and ins titutionsmachine p olitics the pro cess by which citiz ens o f a city use d their lo cal w ard alderman to w ork the“machine ” of local politics to meet lo cal nee ds within a neighb orho odnaturalism a theor y of realism tha t states tha t the la ws of na ture and the na tural w orld w ere the onlyrelev ant la ws governing humanity
pragmat ism a do ctrine supp orted by philosopher W illiam J ames , which held tha t Americ ans nee ded toexperiment and find the tr uth b ehind underlying ins titutions , religions , and ide as in Americ an lif e, ratherthan ac cepting them on faithrealism a collection o f theories and ide as tha t sought to unders tand the underlying chang es in the Unite dStates during the la te nineteenth c entur y
settlement house mo vement an e arly progres sive ref orm mo vement , larg ely sp earhe aded by women ,which sought to o ffer ser vices such as childc are and free he althc are to help the w orking p oorsocial g ospel the b elief tha t the church should b e as c oncerne d about the c onditions o f people in the secularworld as it w as with their a fterlif eSocial R egis ter a de facto director y of the w ealth y so cialites in e ach city , firs t publishe d by Louis K eller in
1886Tamman y Hall a politic al machine in N ew Y ork, run b y machine b oss William Tw eed with as sistanc e fromGeorg e Washington Plunkit tSummary19.1 Urbaniz ation and Its Challenges
Urb aniza tion spre ad rapidly in the mid-nineteenth c entur y due to a c onfluenc e of factors . New technologies ,such as electricity and s team engines , trans forme d factor y work, allo wing factories to mo ve closer to urb ancenters and a way from the riv ers tha t had previously b een vital sourc es o f both w ater p ower andtransp ortation . The gro wth o f factories —as w ell as inno vations such as electric lighting , which allo wed them torun a t all hours o f the da y and night —created a mas sive nee d for w orkers, who p oure d in from b oth r ural are as
of the Unite d Sta tes and from e astern and southern Europ e. As cities grew , the y were una ble to c ope with thisrapid influx o f workers, and the living c onditions f or the w orking clas s were terrible . Tight living quar ters , withinade qua te plumbing and sanita tion , led to widespre ad illnes s. Churches , civic org aniza tions , and the secularsettlement house mo vement all sought to pro vide some relief to the urb an w orking clas s, but c onditionsremaine d br utal f or man y new city dw ellers .
19.2 The African American “Gr eat Migr ation” and New Eur opean Immigr ationFor b oth Afric an Americ ans migra ting from the p ostwar South and immigrants arriving from southe asternEurop e, a c ombina tion o f “push ” and “pull ” factors influenc ed their migra tion to Americ a’s urb an c enters .
Afric an Americ ans mo ved away from the racial violenc e and limite d opp ortunities tha t existed in the r uralSouth , seeking w ages and s teady w ork, as w ell as the opp ortunity to v ote sa fely as free men; ho wever, the yquickly le arne d tha t racial discrimina tion and violenc e were not limite d to the South . For Europ eanimmigrants , famine and p ersecution le d them to seek a new lif e in the Unite d Sta tes, where , the s tories said ,the s treets w ere p aved in g old. Of c ourse , in nor theastern and midw estern cities , both groups f ound a more516 19 • K ey Terms
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challenging w elcome than the y had anticip ated. City residents blame d rec ent arriv als f or the ills o f the cities ,from o vercro wding to a rise in crime . Activis t groups pushe d for anti-immigra tion legisla tion , seeking to limitthe w aves o f immigrants tha t sought a b etter future in the Unite d Sta tes.
19.3 Relief fr om the Chaos of Urban Lif eThe burg eoning cities brought tog ether b oth rich and p oor, working clas s and upp er clas s; ho wever, therealities o f urb an dw ellers’ liv es v arie d drama tically b ased on where the y fell in the so cial chain .
Enter tainment and leisure -time activities w ere he avily dep endent on one ’s status and w ealth . For the w orkingpoor, amusement p arks and b aseb all g ames o ffered ine xpensiv e enter tainment and a brief bre ak from thesqualor o f the tenements . For the emerging middle clas s of salarie d pro fessionals , an esc ape to the suburbskept them remo ved from the city ’s chaos outside o f working hours . And f or the w ealth y, immersion in ar ts andculture , as w ell as inclusion in the Social R egis ter, allo wed them to so cializ e exclusiv ely with those the y felt
were o f the same so cial s tatus. The City Be autiful mo vement b enefit ted all city dw ellers , with its emphasis onpublic green sp aces, and more b eautiful and practic al city b oulev ards . In all , these diff erent opp ortunities f orleisure and ple asure made city lif e mana geable f or the citiz ens who liv ed there .
19.4 Change R eflected in Thought and W ritingAmeric ans w ere o verwhelme d by the rapid p ace and sc ale o f chang e at the close o f the nineteenth c entur y.
Authors and think ers trie d to as sess the me aning o f the c ountr y’s seismic shifts in culture and so ciety throughtheir w ork. Fiction writers o ften use d re alism in an a ttempt to p aint an ac cura te p ortrait o f ho w people w ereliving a t the time . Proponents o f economic dev elopments and cultural chang es cite d so cial Dar winism as anaccepta ble mo del to e xplain wh y some p eople suc ceeded and others faile d, where as other philosophers lo okedmore closely a t Dar win’s work and sought to apply a mo del o f pro of and pra gma tism to all ide as and
institutions . Other so ciologis ts and philosophers criticiz ed the chang es o f the era, citing the ine quities f ound inthe new indus trial ec onom y and its neg ative eff ects on w orkers.
Review Questions1.Which o f the f ollowing f our elements w asnot essential f or cre ating mas sive urb an gro wth in la tenineteenth-c entur y Americ a?
A.electric lightingB.communic ation impro vementsC.skyscrap ersD.settlement houses2.Which o f the f ollowing did the set tlement house mo vement o ffer as a me ans o f relief f or w orking-clas s
A.childc areB.job opp ortunitiesC.politic al adv ocacyD.relo cation ser vices3.Wha t technologic al and ec onomic factors c ombine d to le ad to the e xplosiv e gro wth o f Americ an cities a t
4.Why did Afric an Americ ans c onsider mo ving from the r ural South to the urb an N orth following the CivilWar?
A.to b e able to buy landB.to avoid sla veryC.to find w age-earning w orkD.to fur ther their e ducation19 • R eview Ques tions 5175.Which o f the f ollowing is tr ue o f late nineteenth-c entur y southern and e astern Europ ean immigrants , as
opp osed to their w estern and nor thern Europ ean pre decessors?
A.Southern and e astern Europ ean immigrants tende d to b e wealthier .
B.Southern and e astern Europ ean immigrants w ere, on the whole , more skille d and a ble to find b etterpaying emplo yment .
C.Man y southern and e astern Europ ean immigrants ac quire d land in the W est, while w estern andnorthern Europ ean immigrants tende d to remain in urb an c enters .
D.Ellis Island w as the firs t des tina tion f or mos t southern and e astern Europ eans.
6.Wha t made rec ent Europ ean immigrants the re ady targ ets o f more es tablishe d city dw ellers? Wha t was theresult o f this discrimina tion?
7.Which o f the f ollowing w as a p opular p astime f or w orking-clas s urb an dw ellers?
A.football g amesB.operaC.museumsD.amusement p arks8.Which o f the f ollowing w as a disadv anta ge of machine p olitics?
A.Immigrants did not ha ve a v oice.
B.Taxpayers ultima tely p aid higher city tax es due to gra ft.
C.Only w ealth y parts of the city rec eived timely resp onses .
D.Citiz ens who v oiced complaints w ere a t risk f or their sa fety.
9.In wha t way did e ducation pla y a cr ucial role in the emerg ence of the middle clas s?
10.Which o f the f ollowing s tatements ac cura tely represents Thors tein V eblen ’s argument in The Theor y ofthe Leisure Clas s?
A.All citiz ens o f an indus trial so ciety w ould rise or fall b ased on their o wn inna te merits .
B.The tenets o f na turalism w ere the only la ws through which so ciety should b e governe d.
C.The middle clas s was o verly f ocuse d on its o wn c omf ort and c onsumption .
D.Land and na tural resourc es should b elong e qually to all citiz ens.
11.Which o f the f ollowing w asnot an element o f realism?
A.social Dar winismB.instrumentalismC.naturalismD.pragma tism12.In wha t ways did writers , photographers , and visual ar tists begin to embrac e more re alistic subjects in
their w ork? Ho w w ere these resp onses to the adv ent o f the indus trial a ge and the rise o f cities?
Critical Thinking Questions13.Wha t triumphs did the la te nineteenth c entur y witnes s in the re alms o f indus trial gro wth , urb aniza tion ,and technologic al inno vation? Wha t challeng es did these dev elopments p ose f or urb an dw ellers , workers,and rec ent immigrants? Ho w did city o fficials and ev eryday citiz ens resp ond to these challeng es?
14.Wha t were the eff ects o f urb aniza tion on the w orking , middle , and elite clas ses o f Americ an so ciety?
Conversely , how did the diff erent so cial clas ses and their activities chang e the sc ope, character , and use o furban sp aces?518 19 • Critical Thinking Ques tionsAccess for fr ee a t opens tax. org.
15.How do y ou think tha t diff erent clas ses o f city dw ellers w ould ha ve view ed the City Be autiful mo vement?
Wha t potential b enefits and dra wbacks o f this new direction in urb an planning might memb ers o f eachclas s ha ve cite d?
16.How w as Dar win’s work on the ev olution o f species e xploite d by prop onents o f the indus trial a ge? Wh ymight the y ha ve latche d on to this ide a in p articular?
17.Historians o ften mine the ar ts for clues to the so cial, cultural , politic al, and intellectual shifts tha tcharacteriz ed a giv en era. Ho w do the man y works o f visual ar t, litera ture , and so cial philosoph y tha temerg ed from this p erio d reflect the mas sive chang es tha t were taking plac e? Ho w w ere Americ ans—boththose who cre ated these w orks and those who re ad or view ed them—s truggling to unders tand the newreality through ar t, litera ture , and scholarship?19 • Critical Thinking Ques tions 519
520 19 • Critical Thinking Ques tionsAccess for fr ee a t opens tax. org.