Perspectives An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology Textbook Chapter 6 Economics

ECONOMICS Sarah Lyon , University of Kentucky Learning Objectives Define economic anthropology and identify ways in which economic anthropology differs from the field of Economics Describe the characteristics of the three modes of production domestic production , tributary production , and capitalist tion . Compare reciprocity , redistribution , and market modes of exchange . Assess the significance of general purpose money for economic exchange . Evaluate the ways in which commodities become personally and socially meaningful . Use a political economy perspective to assess examples of global economic inequality and structural violence . One of the hallmarks of the human species is our culture enables humans to thrive in extreme artic and desert environments , to make our homes in cities and rural settings alike . Yet amidst this great diversity there are also . For example , all humans , like all organisms , must eat . We all must make our living in the World , Whether we do so through foraging , farming , or factory work . At its heart , economic anthropology is a study of livelihoods how humans work to obtain the material such as food , clothing , and shelter that sustain our lives . Across time and space , different societies have organized their economic lives in radically different ways . Economic anthropologists explore this diversity , focusing on how people produce , exchange , and consume material objects and the role that immaterial things such as labor , services , and knowledge play in our efforts to secure our As humans , we all have the same basic needs , but understanding how and why we meet those often shared but sometimes unique what shapes the field of economic anthropology .

PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Economic anthropology is always in dialogue ( whether implicitly or explicitly ) with the of However , there are several important differences between the two disciplines . Perhaps most importantly , economic anthropology encompasses the production , exchange , tion , meaning , and uses of both material objects and immaterial services , whereas contemporary focuses primarily on market exchanges . In addition , economic anthropologists dispute the idea that all individual thoughts , choices , and behaviors can be understood through a narrow lens of nal , When asking why people choose to buy a new shirt rather than shoes , anthropologists , and increasingly economists , look beyond the motives of Homo to determine how social , cultural , political , and institutional forces shape humans everyday As a discipline , economics studies the decisions made by people and businesses and how these interact in the marketplace . Economists models generally rest on several assumptions that people know what they want , that their economic choices express these wants , and that their wants are defined by their culture . Economics is a normative theory because it specifies how people should act if they want to make efficient economic decisions . In contrast , anthropology is a largely descriptive social science we analyze what people actually do and why they do it . Economic anthropologists do not necessarily assume that people know what they want ( or why they want it ) or that they are free to act on their own individual desires . Rather than simply focusing on market exchanges and individual , anthropologists consider three distinct phases of economic activity production , exchange , and consumption . tion involves transforming nature and raw materials into the material goods that are useful or necessary for humans . Exchange involves how these goods are distributed among people . Finally , sumption refers to how we use these material goods for example , by eating food or constructing homes out of bricks . This chapter explores each of these dimensions of economic life in detail , concluding with an overview of how anthropologists understand and challenge the economic inequalities that structure everyday life in the century . MODES OF PRODUCTION A key concept in anthropological studies of economic life is the mode of production , or the social relations through which human labor is used to transform energy from nature using tools , skills , and knowledge . This concept originated with anthropologist Eric Wolf , who was strongly by the social theorist Karl Marx . Marx argued that human consciousness is not determined by our or beliefs but instead by our most basic human activity work . Wolf identified three distinct modes of production in human history domestic ( tributary , and Domestic or production organizes work on the basis of family relations and does not involve formal social domination , or the control of and power over other people . However , power and authority may be exerted on specific groups based on age and gender . In the tributary mode of production , the primary producer pays tribute in the form of material goods or labor to another vidual or group of individuals who controls production through political , religious , or military force . The third mode , capitalism , is the one most familiar to us . The capitalist mode of production has three central features ( private property is owned by members of the capitalist class ( workers sell their labor power to the capitalists in order to survive and ( surpluses of wealth are produced , and these surpluses are either kept as profit or reinvested in production in order to generate further surplus . As

we will see in the next section , Modes of Exchange , capitalism also links markets to trade and money in very unique ways . First , though , we will take a closer look at each of the three modes of production Domestic Production The domestic , or , mode of production characterizes the lives of and scale subsistence farmers with social structures that are more egalitarian than those characterizing the other modes of production ( though these structures are still shaped by and forms of inequality ) In the domestic mode of production , labor is organized on the basis of kinship relations ( which is why this form of production is also known as ) In southern Mexico and parts of Central America , many indigenous people primarily make their living through subsistence maize farming . Subsistence farmers produce food for their family own consumption ( rather than to sell ) In this family production system , the men generally clear the fields and the whole family works together to plant the seeds . Until the plants sprout , the children spend their days in the fields ing the newly planted crops . The men then weed the crops and harvest the corn cobs , and , finally , the women work to dry the corn and remove the kernels from the cobs for storage . Over the course of the year mothers and daughters typically grind the corn by hand using a metate , or grinding stone ( or , if they are lucky , they might have access to a mechanical grinder ) Ultimately , the corn is used to make the daily tortillas the family consumes at each meal . This example demonstrates how the domestic mode of production organizes labor and daily activities within families according to age and gender .

122 PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Figure . Woman Grinding with a Foraging societies are also characterized by ( the collective ownership of the primary means of production , lower rates of social domination , and ( sharing . For example , the Dobe ( also known as the ! Kung ) a society of approximately people living in the Desert of and , typically live in small groups consisting of siblings of both sexes , their spouses , and children . They all live in a single camp and move together for part of the year . Typically women collect plant foods and men hunt for meat . These resources are pooled within family groups and within wider kin networks when necessary . However , women will also kill animals when the opportunity presents itself , and men spend time collecting plant foods , even when hunting . As discussed in the Marriage and Family chapter , kinship relations are determined by culture , not biology . Interestingly , in addition to genealogical kinship , the Dobe recognize kinship on the basis of names there are relatively few names , and in this society the session of common names trumps genealogical ties . This means that an individual would call anyone with his father name The Dobe have a third kinship system that is based on the principle that an older person determines the kinship terms that will be used in relation with another individual ( so , for example , an elderly woman may refer to a young male as her nephew or grandson , thus creating a kin relationship ) The effect of these three simultaneous kinship systems is that virtually everyone is kin in who are biologically related and those who are not . This successfully expands the range of individuals with whom products of labor , such as meat from a kill , must be These beliefs and the behaviors they inspire reinforce key elements of the domestic mode of production collective ownership , low levels of social domination , and sharing .

Tributary Production The tributary mode of production is found in social systems divided into classes of rulers and . Subjects , typically farmers or herders , produce for themselves and their families , but they also give a proportion of their goods or labor to their rulers as tribute . The tributary mode of production characterizes a variety of precapitalist , societies found in Europe , Asia , Africa , and the . These societies share several common features ( the dominant units of production are organized around kinship relations ( the states society depends on the local communities , and the tribute collected is used by the ruling class rather than exchanged or reinvested ( relationships between producers and rulers are often and ( production is controlled politically rather than through the direct control of the means of production . Some historic tributary systems , such as those found in feudal Europe and medieval Japan , were loosely organized , whereas others , such as the Inca Empire and imperial China , were tightly managed . In the Chinese imperial system , rulers not only demanded tribute in the form of material goods but also organized production and projects such as irrigation , roads , and control . In addition to accumulating agricultural surpluses , imperial officials also controlled large industrial and commercial enterprises , acquiring necessary products , such as salt , porcelain , or bricks , through nonmarket mechanisms . The rulers of most tributary systems were determined through descent or military and political service . However , the imperial Chinese system ( CE ) was unique in that new members were accepted based on their performance in that any male could take , even males of low Despite this exception , the Chinese imperial system exhibits many hallmarks of the tributary mode of production , including the political control of production and the collection of tribute to support state projects and the ruling classes . Capitalist Production The capitalist mode of production is the most recent . While many of us may find it difficult to of an alternative to capitalism , it has in fact only existed for a mere fraction of human history , first originating with the North American and western European industrial revolution during the and eighteenth centuries . Capitalism is distinguished from the other two modes of production as an economic system based on private property owned by a capitalist class . In the domestic and modes of production , workers typically own their means of production ( for example , the land they farm ) However , in the capitalist mode of production , workers typically do not own the factories they work in or the businesses they work for , and so they sell their labor power to other people , the , in order to survive . By keeping wages low , capitalists are able to sell the products of the ers labor for more than it costs to produce the products . This enables capitalists , or those who own the means of production , to generate a surplus that is either kept as profit or reinvested in production with the goal of generating additional surplus . Therefore , an important distinguishing feature of the capitalist mode of production is that workers are separated from the means of production ( for example , from the factories they work in or the businesses they work for ) whereas in the domestic and modes workers are not separated from the means of production ( they own their own land or they have free access to hunting and foraging grounds ) In the domestic and tributary modes of production , workers also retain control over the goods they produce ( or a portion of them ) and they control their own labor , deciding when and when not to However , this is not true within capitalism . A

PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL tory worker does not own the widget that she helps build in a factory , and she can not decide when she would like to show up at work each day . Economic anthropologists stress that people and communities are differentially integrated into the capitalist mode of production . For example , some subsistence farmers may also produce a small crop of agricultural commodities in order to earn cash income to pay for necessities , such as machetes or farm tools , that they can not make themselves . Many of us have had informal jobs tending a neighbor children or mowing someone lawn . Informal work such as this , where one does not work on a time , contracted basis , is especially important in developing countries around the world where informal employment comprises to of nonagricultural Even in our own capitalist society , many of us regularly produce and exchange goods and services outside of the formal marketplace baking zucchini bread for a cousin who shares her garden produce , for example , or buying chocolate from a cooperative grocery store . We might spend Sundays volunteering in a church nursery , or perhaps moonlighting as a server for a friends catering business , working under the table for cash . Each of these examples highlights how even in advanced capitalist societies , we engage in diverse economic practices every day . If , as some gest , economic anthropology is at its heart a search for alternatives to capitalism , it is useful to explore the many diverse economies that are thriving alongside capitalist modes of production and Coffee Farmers Century Peasants , farmers make up the largest single group of people on the planet today . Once known as peasants , these people pose an interesting conundrum to economic anthropologists because they live their lives both inside and outside of global capitalism and state societies . These ers primarily use their own labor to grow the food their families eat . They might also produce some type of commodity for sale . For example , many of the indigenous corn farmers in southern Mexico and Central America discussed earlier also produce small amounts of coffee that they sell in order to earn money to buy school supplies for their children , building supplies for their homes , clothing , and other things that they can not produce themselves . There are between 20 and 25 million small farmers growing coffee in more than 50 countries around the world . A portion of these small coffee farmers are organized into cooperatives in order to sell their coffee as certified . Fair trade is a trading partnership , based on dialogue , transparency , and respect , that seeks greater equity in international trade . According to national , fair trade supports farmers and workers to combat poverty and strengthen their livelihoods by establishing a minimum price for as many products as possible providing , on top of stable prices , a premium improving the terms of trade for farmers by providing access to tion , clear contracts with , access to markets and financing and promoting better living wages and working In order to certify their coffee , small farmers must belong to run producers associations in which participation is open to all eligible growers , regardless of ethnicity , gender , religion , or political affiliation . To better understand how indigenous farmers practice subsistence maize production while simultaneously producing an agricultural commodity for global markets , I conducted research in a highland In 1977 a small number of Maya coffee ers formed a cooperative , La Que en el ( A Voice Crying Out in the Wilderness ) with the goal of securing higher prices for their agricultural products and escaping the severe poverty they

struggled against on a daily basis . Since the early the group has produced organic and certified coffee for the market . The farmers work tirelessly to ensure that their families have sufficient corn to eat and that their fee meets the cooperative high standards of quality . The members of La refer to their coffee trees as their children who they have lovingly tended for decades . organic coffee production is time consuming and requires almost daily attention . During the coffee harvest between December and March , wives , husbands , and children work together to pick the coffee cherries by hand as they ripen and carry them to the wet mill each afternoon . Figure . Sorting Coffee Beans While these farmers are producing a product for the global market , it is not strictly a capitalist mode of production . They own their own land and they sell the fruits of their labor for guaranteed prices . They also work with one another , pooling and exchanging their labor , in order to the smooth functioning of their organization . This cooperation , while essential , is hard work . Because the system does not rely on anonymous market exchanges , members of La must also dedicate time to nurturing their relationships with the coffee importers , advocates , and consumers who support all their hard work through promotion and purchases . This means attending receptions when buyers visit , dressing up in traditional clothing to pick coffee on film for marketing materials , and putting up with questions from nosy anthropologists . Because the coffee farmers also produce much of the food their families consume , they enjoy a great deal of . In times of hardship , they can redirect their labor to other activities by ing corn production , migrating in search of wage labor , or planting other crops . Their ultimate goal is to maintain the family economic autonomy , which is rooted in ownership of the means of this case , their land . A close examination of these farmers lives reveals that they are not

126 PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL relics of a precapitalist system . Instead , their economic activity is uniquely adapted to the contemporary global economy in order to ensure their survival . in The Informal Economy The informal economy includes a diverse range of activities that are unregulated ( and untaxed ) by the state rickshaw in Calcutta , street vendors in Mexico City , and in , Kentucky , are all considered informal workers . Informal economies include people who are informally and those working informally for other peoples enterprises . In some parts of the world the informal economy is a significant source of income and revenue . In Africa , for example , the informal economy generates nearly 40 percent as much revenue as that included in the official gross domestic Consequently , the informal economy is of great interest to economic anthropologists . However , the term informal economy is critiqued by some scholars since often what we refer to as informal economies are actually quite formal and organized , even though this organization is not regulated by the state and may be based on an internal logic that makes the most sense to those who participate in the exchanges . Karen Hansen provides an look at the lives of vendors in the , the secondhand ing markets in in southern , a term that literally means to rummage through a pile , is an unusual industry that begins in many of our own homes . In today era of fast fashion in which Americans buy more than 20 billion garments each year ( that 68 garments per ) many of us regularly bag up our gently used , unfashionable clothing and drop it off at a nearby Goodwill Only about half of these donated clothes actually end up in charity thrift stores . The rest are sold to one of the nearly 300 firms that specialize in the global clothing recycling business . The textile cling firms sort the clothing by grades the items are sent to Central America , and the lowest grades go to African and Asian countries . In Africa an estimated 50 percent of chased clothing consists of these secondhand imports , referred to by some consumers as dead man clothes because of the belief that they come from the In the secondhand clothes are imported in bulk by 40 wholesale firms that , in turn , sell the clothes to traders . The traders sell the clothes out of their homes and in large public markets . Typically the people working as traders have either never had jobs or have lost their jobs in the public or private sector . Often they start selling in order to accumulate money for other activities or as a sideline business . Hansen found that there were slightly more female sellers and that women were more likely to be single heads of households . Successful trading requires ness acumen and practical skills . Flourishing traders cultivate their consumer knowledge , develop sales strategies , and experiment with display and pricing . While trading has relatively low barriers to entry ( one simply has to purchase a bale of clothing from a wholesale importer in order to get started ) in this informal market scale is important moves best when traders have a lot of it on offer . Traders also have to understand the local cultural politics in order to successfully earn a living in this sector . For example , is different from used clothing from people someone knows . In fact , clothing with folds and wrinkles from the bale is often the most desirable because it is easily identifiable as genuine

The global commodity chain presents an interesting example of how material goods can in and out of capitalist modes of duction and exchange . For example , I might buy a dress that was produced in a factory to give ( not sell ! to my young niece . After ing the dress for several months , Maddie will probably outgrow it , and her Mom will drop it off at the nearby Goodwill shop . There is a 50 percent chance that the dress will be sold by the charity to a clothing who will export it to or a nearby country . From there the dress will end up in a bale of clothing that is , ade , a purchased by a trader in . At this point the dress enters the informal economy as the markets are unregulated and untaxed . A consumer might buy the dress and realize that it does not quite fit her own daughter . She might then take it to her neighbor , who works informally as a tailor , for . Rather than paying her neighbor for the work on the dress , the consumer might instead arrange to reciprocate at a later date by cleaning the tailor home . This single item of clothing that has traveled the globe and moved in and out of formal and informal markets highlights how diverse our economic lives really are , a theme that we will return to at the end of this chapter . MODES OF EXCHANGE There are three distinct ways to integrate economic and social relations and distribute material goods . Contemporary economics only studies the first , market exchange . Most economic models are unable to explain the second two , reciprocity and redistribution , because they have different underlying logics . Economic anthropology , on the other hand , provides rich and nuanced perspective into how diverse modes of exchange shape , and are shaped by , everyday life across space and time . understand market exchange to be a form of trade that today most commonly involves general purpose money , bargaining , and supply and demand price mechanisms . In contrast , reciprocity involves the exchange of goods and services and is rooted in a mutual sense of obligation and identity . have identified three distinct types of reciprocity , which we will explore shortly generalized , balanced , and Finally , redistribution occurs when an authority of some type ( a temple priest , a chief , or even an institution such as the Internal Revenue Service ) collects economic contributions from all community members and then these back in the form of goods and services . Redistribution requires centralized social organization , even if at a small scale ( for example , within the foraging societies discussed above ) As we will see , various modes of exchange can and do coexist , even within capitalism . Reciprocity While early economic anthropology often seemed focused on detailed investigations of seemingly exotic economic practices , anthropologists such as and Marcel used

128 PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ethnographic research and findings to critique Western , capitalist economic systems . Today , many low in this tradition and some would agree with Keith statement that economic anthropology at its best has always been a search for an alternative to , a French anthropologist , was one of the first scholars to provide an exploration of reciprocity and the role that gifts play in cultural systems around the asked Why humans feel obliged to reciprocate when they receive a gift . His answer was that giving and reciprocating gifts , whether these are material objects or our time , creates links between the people Over the past century , anthropologists have devoted considerable attention to the topic of ity . It is an attractive one because of the seemingly moral nature of gifts many of us hope that humans are not solely , antisocial economic actors . Gifts are about social relations , not just about the gifts themselves as we will see , giving a gift that contains a bit of oneself builds a social relationship with the person who receives Studying reciprocity gives anthropologists unique insights into the moral economy , or the processes through which customs , cultural values , beliefs , and social coercion our economic behavior . The economy can be understood as a symbolic of the order and the sense of right and wrong that people adhere to within that cultural This means that economic behavior is a unique cultural practice , one that varies across time and space . Generalized Reciprocity Consider a young child . Friends and family members probably purchase numerous gifts for the child , small and large . People give freely of their time changing diapers , cooking meals , driving the child to soccer practice , and tucking the child in at night . These myriad gifts of toys and time are not written down we do not keep a running tally of everything we give our children . However , as children grow older they begin to reciprocate these gifts mowing an elderly grandmother yard , cooking dinner for a parent who has to work late , or buying an expensive gift for an older sibling . When we gift without reckoning the exact value of the gift or expecting a specific thing in return we are practicing reciprocity . This form of reciprocity occurs within the closest social relationships where exchange happens so frequently that monitoring the value of each item or service given and received would be impossible , and to do so would lead to tension and quite possibly the eventual dissolution of the . However , generalized reciprocity is not necessarily limited to households . In my own suburban tucky neighborhood we engage in many forms of generalized reciprocity . For example , we regularly cook and deliver meals for our neighbors who have a new baby , a sick parent , or recently deceased . Similarly , at Halloween we give out handfuls of candy ( sometimes spending 50 or more in the process ) I do not keep a close tally of which kid received which candy bar , nor do my young pay close attention to which houses gave more or less desirable candy this year . In other cultures , generalized reciprocity is the norm rather than the exception . Recall the Dobe who live in the Desert they have a and overlapping kinship system which ensures that the products of their hunting and gathering are shared widely across the entire community . This reciprocity reinforces the solidarity of the group however , it also means that Dobe have very few individual possessions and generosity is a prized personality trait . Balanced Reciprocity

Unlike generalized reciprocity , balanced reciprocity is more of a direct exchange in which thing is traded or given with the expectation that something of equal value will be returned within a specific time period . This form of reciprocity involves three distinct stages the gift must be given , it has to be received , and a reciprocal gift has to be returned . A key aspect of balanced reciprocity is that out reciprocation within an appropriate time frame , the exchange system will falter and the social might end . Balanced reciprocity generally occurs at a social level more distant than the family , but it usually occurs among people who know each other . In other words , complete strangers would be unlikely to engage in balanced reciprocity because they would not be able to trust the person to within an acceptable period of time . The Kula ring system of exchange found in the Islands in the South Pacific is one ple of balanced reciprocity . A Kula ring involves the ceremonial exchange of shell and bead laces ( for shell arm bands ( between trading partners living on different islands . The arm bands and necklaces constantly circulate and only have symbolic value , meaning they bring the temporary owner honor and prestige but can not be bought or sold for money . was the first anthropologist to study the Kula ring , and he found that although participants did not profit materially from the exchange , it served several important functions in Because participants formed relationships with trading participants on other islands , the Kula ring helped solidify alliances among tribes , and overseas partners became allies in a land of danger and insecurity . Along with arm bands and necklaces , Kula participants were also engaging in more mundane forms of trade , bartering from one island to another . Additionally , songs , customs , and cultural also traveled along the Kula route . Finally , although ownership of the arm bands and necklaces was always temporary ( for eventually participants are expected to gift the items to other partners in the ring ) Kula participants took great pride and sure in the items they received . The Kula ring exhibits all the hallmarks of balanced reciprocity laces are traded for armbands with the expectation that objects of equal value will be returned within a specific time period . Figure Mwah from the Kula Exchange The Work of Reciprocity at Christmas How many of us give and receive gifts during the holiday season ?

Christmas is undeniably a religious celebration , yet while nine in ten Americans say they celebrate Christmas , about half view it to be more of a secular holiday . Perhaps this is why eight in ten in the United States now celebrate How and why has this one date in the liturgical calendar come to be so central to ture and what does gift giving have to do with it ?

In 1865 , Christmas was declared a national holiday just 25 years later , Ladies Home journal was already complaining that the holiday had become overly A recent survey of citizens found that we continue to be frustrated with the commercialization of the season say they dislike the materialism of the holidays ,

130 PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY are unhappy with the expenses of the season , and one in ten dislikes holiday shopping in crowded malls and When asked what they like most about the holiday season , 70 percent of . residents say spending time with family and friends . This raises the question of how and why reciprocal gift giving has become so central to the social relationships we hope to nurture at Christmas . The anthropologist James rier argues that the affectionate giving at the heart of modern Christmas is in fact a celebration of social relations . 27 Among our family members and closest friends this gift giving is generalized and more about the expression of sentiment . When we exchange gifts with those outside this small it tends to be more balanced , and we expect some form of equivalent reciprocation . If I spend 50 on a lavish gift for a friend , my feelings will undoubtedly be hurt when she with a gift card to Starbucks . Christmas shopping is probably all know someone who heads to the stores at midnight on Black Friday to get a jumpstart on their consumption . Throughout the month of December we plain about how crowded the stores are and how tired we are of wrapping presents . Lets face it mas is a lot of work ! Recall how the reciprocity of the Kula ring served many functions in addition to the simple exchange of symbolic arm bands and shell necklaces . Similarly , Christmas gift giving is about more than exchanging commodities . In order to cement our social relationships we buy and wrap gifts ( even figuratively by placing a giant red bow on oversize items like a new bicycle ) in order to transform the impersonal commodities that populate our everyday lives into meaningful gifts . The ritual of shopping , wrapping , giving , and receiving proves to us that we can create a sphere of love and intimacy alongside the world of anonymous , monetary exchange . The ritualistic exchange of gifts is accompanied by other traditions , such as the circulation of holiday cards that have no economic or practical value , but instead are used to reinforce social relationships . When we View Christmas through a moral economy lens , we come to understand how our economic behavior is shaped by our historical customs , cultural values , beliefs , and even our need to maintain appearances . Christmas is hard work , but with any luck we will reap the rewards of strong relational Negative Reciprocity Unlike balanced and generalized reciprocity , negative reciprocity is an attempt to get something for nothing . It is the most impersonal of the three forms of reciprocity and it commonly exists among ple who do not know each other well because close relationships are incompatible with attempts to take advantage of other people . Gambling is a good example of negative reciprocity , and some would argue that market exchange , in which one participant aims to buy low while the other aims to sell high , can also be a form of negative reciprocity . The emails always begin with a friendly salutation Dear Beloved Friend , I know this message will come to you as surprised but permit me of my desire to go into business relationship with The introduction is often followed by a long involved story of deaths and unexpected inheritances I am Miss Naomi , a daughter to late of Libya whom was murdered during the recent civil war in Libya in March 2011 my late Father came to republic with ( US ) which he deposited in a Bank here for safe keeping . I am here seeking for an avenue to transfer the fund to you . Please Iwill offer you 20 of the total sum for your assistance . The emails are crafted to invoke a sense of balanced reciprocity the authors tell us how trustworthy and esteemed we are and offer to give us a percentage of the money in exchange for our assistance . However , most savvy recipients immediately recognize that these scams are in fact a form of negative

reciprocity since they know they will never actually receive the promised money and , in fact , will ably lose money if they give their bank account information to their correspondent . The anthropologist Daniel Smith studied the motives and practices of Nigerian email scammers who are responsible for approximately of these types of emails that Western He found that 419 scams , as they are known in ( after the section of the criminal code outlawing fraud ) emerged in the largest African state ( has more than 130 million residents , nearly 70 cent of whom live below the poverty line ) in the late when there were few legitimate economic opportunities for the large number of educated young people who had the English skills and logical expertise necessary for successful scams . Smith spoke with some of the Nigerians sending these emails and found that they dreamed of a big payoff someday . They reportedly felt bad for people who were duped , but said that if Americans were greedy enough to fall for it they got what they deserved . The typical email correspondence always emphasizes the urgency , confidentiality , and reciprocity of the proposed arrangement . Smith argues that the 419 scams mimic cultural practices around kinship and patronage relations . While clearly 419 scammers are practicing negative reciprocity by trying to get something for nothing ( unfortunately we will never receive the 20 percent of the million that Miss Naomi promised us ) many in the United States continue to be lured in by the veneer of balanced reciprocity . The FBI receives an estimated complaints about advance fee scams each year , and annual victim losses total over 55 Redistribution Redistribution is the accumulation of goods or labor by a particular person or institution for the purpose of dispersal at a later date . Redistribution is found in all societies . For example , within holds we pool our labor and resources , yet we rarely distribute these outside of our family . For to become a central economic process , a society must have a centralized political apparatus to coordinate and enforce the practice . Redistribution can occur alongside other forms of exchange . For example , in the United States one who works in the formal sector pays federal taxes to the Internal Revenue Service . During the 2015 fiscal year the IRS collected trillion in federal revenue . It processed 243 million returns , and 119 million of these resulted in a tax refund . In total , billion tax dollars were redistributed by this central political Even if I did not receive a cash refund from the IRS , I still benefited from the redistribution in the form of federal services and infrastructure . Sometimes economic practices that appear to be merely reciprocal gift exchanges are revealed to be forms of redistribution after closer inspection . The potlatch system of the Native American groups ing in the United States and Canadian northwestern coastal area was long understood as an example of functional gift giving . Traditionally , two groups of clans would perform highly ritualized exchanges of food , blankets , and ritual objects . The system produced status and prestige among participants by giving away more goods than another person , a chief could build his reputation and gain new respect within the community . After contact with settlers , the excessive gift giving during escalated to the point that early anthropologists described it as a war of 33 Later anthropological studies of the potlatch revealed that rather than wasting , burning , or giving away their property to display their wealth , the groups were actually giving away goods that other groups could use and then waiting for a later potlatch when they would receive things not available in their own region . This was important because the availability of food hunted , fished , and foraged by native communities could be highly variable . The anthropologist Stuart found that the

PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL latch primarily served a livelihood function by ensuring the redistribution of goods between groups with surpluses and those with Markets The third way that societies distribute goods and services is through market exchange . Markets are social institutions with prices or exchange . Markets do not necessarily have to be in a geographic place ( a marketplace ) but they can not exist without institutions to govern the exchanges . Market and reciprocal exchange appear to share similar features one person gives thing and the other receives something . A key distinction between the two is that market exchanges are regulated by supply and demand mechanisms . The forces of supply and demand can create risk for people living in societies that largely distribute goods through market exchange . If we lose our jobs , we may not be able to buy food for our families . In contrast , if a member of a Dobe community is hurt and unable to gather foods today , she will continue to eat as a result of generalized reciprocal exchanges . Market exchanges are based on transactions , or changes in the status of a good or service between people , such as a sale . While market exchange is generally less personal than reciprocal exchange , transactions between people who have a relationship that endures beyond a single exchange do exist . Atomized transactions are impersonal ones between people who have no relationship with each other beyond the short term of the exchange . These are generally , with few implications for the future . In contrast , personalized transactions occur between people who have a relationship that endures past the exchange and might include both social and economic . The are embedded in networks of social relations and might even have knowledge of the other personality , family , or personal circumstances that helps them trust that the exchange will be satisfactory . Economic exchanges within families , for example when a child begins to work for a family business , are extreme examples of personalized market exchange . To better understand the differences between transactions between relative strangers and those that are more personalized , consider the different options one has for a haircut a person can stop by a chain salon such as Great Clips and leave twenty minutes later after spending 15 to have his hair trimmed by someone he has never met before , or he can develop an ongoing relationship with a hair stylist or barber he regularly visits . These appointments may last an hour or even longer , and he and his stylist probably chat about each other lives , the weather , or politics . At Christmas he may even bring a small gift or give an extra tip . He trusts his stylist to cut his hair the way he likes it because of their long tory of personalized transactions . Maine Lobster Markets To better understand the nature of market transactions , anthropologist James studied the economic lives of Maine fishermen and lobster The lobster market is highly sensitive to ply and demand catch volumes and prices change radically over the course of the year . For example , during the winter months , lobster catches are typically low because the animals are inactive and men are reluctant to go out into the cold and stormy seas for small catches . Beginning in April , lobsters become more active and , as the water warms , they migrate toward shore and catch volumes increase . In May prices fall dramatically supply is high but there are relatively few tourists and demand is low . In

June and July catch volume decreases again when lobsters molt and are difficult to catch , but demand increases due to the large of tourists , which , in turn , leads to higher prices . In the fall , after the tourists have left , catch volume increases again as a new class of recently molted lobsters become able to the fishermen . In other words , catch and price are inversely related when the catch is lowest , the price is highest , and when the catch is highest , the price is lowest . The fishermen generally sell their lobsters to wholesalers and have very little idea where the lobsters go , how many hands they pass through on their way to the consumer , how prices are set , or why they vary over the course of the year . In other words , from the fisherman point of view the process is shrouded in fog , mystery , and rumor . found that in order to manage the inherent risk posed by this variable market , fishermen form , personalized economic relationships with particular dealers . The dealers goal is to ensure a large , steady supply of lobsters for as low a price as possible . In order to do so , they make contracts with fishermen to always buy all of the lobster they have to sell no matter how glutted the market might be . In exchange , the fishermen agree to sell their catches for the going rate and forfeit the right to bargain over price . The dealers provide added incentives to the men for example , they will allow fishermen to use their dock at no cost and supply them with gasoline , diesel fuel , paint , buoys , and gloves at cost or with only a small markup . They also often provide loans to their fishermen for boats , equipment , and traps . In sum , the Maine fishermen and the dealers have , over time , developed highly personalized exchange relations in order to manage the risky lobster market . While these market exchanges last over many seasons and rely on a certain degree of trust , neither the fishermen nor the dealers would characterize the relationship as are buying and selling lobster , not exchanging gifts . Money While general purpose money is not a prerequisite for market exchanges , most commercial today do involve the exchange of money . In our own society , and in most parts of the world , eral purpose money can be exchanged for all manner of goods and services . General purpose money serves as a medium of exchange , a tool for storing wealth , and as a way to assign interchangeable . It our ideas about the generalized interchangeability of all makes products and services from all over the world commensurable in terms of a single metric . In so doing , it increases opportunities for unequal As we will see , different societies have attempted to challenge this notion of interchangeability and the inequalities it can foster in different ways . Spheres of Exchange Prior to colonialism , the people in had an economic system governed by a moral archy of values that challenged the idea that all objects can be made commensurable through general purpose money . The anthropologists Paul and Laura developed the theory of spheres of exchange after recognizing that the had three distinct economic arenas and that each arena had its own form of The subsistence sphere included locally produced foods ( yams , grains , and ) chickens , goats , and household utensils . The second sphere encompassed slaves , cattle , white cloth , and metal bars . Finally , the third , most prestigious sphere was limited to marriageable females . Excluded completely from the spheres of exchange were labor ( because it was always reciprocally exchanged ) and land ( which was not owned per se , but rather communally held within families )

PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL The were able to convert their wealth upwards through the spheres of exchange . For example , a man could trade a portion of his yam harvest for slaves that , in turn , could be given as for a marriageable female . However , it was considered immoral to convert wealth downwards no man would exchange slaves or brass rods for The found that this moral economy quickly collapsed when it was incorporated into the contemporary realm of general purpose money . When items in any of the three spheres could be exchanged for general purpose money , the could no longer maintain separate categories of exchangeable items . The concluded that the moral meanings of other words , how exchange is culturally have very material implications for people everyday Local Currency Systems HOURS While we may take our general purpose currency for granted , as the example demonstrates , money is profoundly symbolic and political . Money is not only the measure of value but also the pose of much of our activity , and money shapes economic relations by creating inequalities and qualitative In other words , I might pay a babysitter 50 to watch my children for the evening , and I might spend 50 on a new sweater the next day . While these two expenses are mensurable through general purpose money , qualitatively they are in fact radically different in terms of the sentiment I attach to each ( and I would not ever try to pay my babysitter in sweaters ) Some communities explicitly acknowledge the political and symbolic components of money and develop complementary currency systems with the goal of maximizing transactions in a geographically bounded area , such as within a single city . The goal is to encourage people to connect more directly with each other than they might do when shopping in corporate stores using general purpose For example , the city of , New York , promotes its local economy and community through the use of More than 900 participants accept HOURS for goods and services , and some local employers and employees even pay or receive partial wages in the complementary . The currency has been in circulation since 1991 , and the system was incorporated as a nonprofit organization in 1998 . Today it is administered by a board of elected volunteers . HOURS circulate in denominations of two , one , and HOURS ( 20 , 10 , and , respectively ) The HOURS are put into circulation through given to registered organization members , through small loans to local businesses , and through grants to community organizations . The name HOURS evokes the principle of labor exchange and the idea that a unit of time is equal for

WE TRU . An Hour Note The anthropologist studied the impact of the HOURS currency system . She found that while the complementary currency does not necessarily create full economic equality , it does create deeper connections among community members and local businesses , helping to demystify and personalize exchange ( much as we saw with the and dealers ) The HOURS tem also offers important networking opportunities for locally owned businesses and , because it zero interest business loans , it serves as a form of security against economic Finally , the HOURS complementary currency system encourages community members to shop at locally owned businesses . As we will see in the next section , where we choose to shop and what we choose to buy forms a large part of our lives and cultural identity . The HOURS system demonstrates a relatively successful approach to challenging the inequalities fostered by general purpose money . CONSUMPTION AND GLOBAL CAPITALISM Consumption refers to the process of buying , eating , or using a resource , food , commodity , or vice . Anthropologists understand consumption more specifically as the forms of behavior that connect our economic activity with the cultural symbols that give our lives People consumption patterns are a large part of their lives , and economic anthropologists explore why , how , and when ple consume what they do . The answers to these questions lie in people ideologies and identities as members of a social group each culture is different and each consumes in its own way . Consumption is always social even when it addresses physical needs . For example , all humans need to eat , but people around the world have radically different ideas of what foods and are most desirable and . We use our material possessions to meet our needs ( for example , we wear clothing to protect us from the environment ) regulate our social lives , and affirm the rightful order of understand that the commodities we buy are not just good for eating or shelter , they are good for thinking in acquiring and possessing particular goods , people make visible and stable the categories of For example , consumption helps us establish and defend differences among people and occasions I might wear a specific and cap to a baseball game with friends in order to distinguish myself as a fan of a particular team . In the process , I make myself easily identifiable within the larger fan

PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL community . However , I probably would not wear this same outfit to a job interview because it would be inappropriate for the occasion . Economic anthropologists are also interested in why objects become status symbols and how these come to be experienced as an aspect of the Objects have a social life during which they may pass through various statuses a silver cake server begins its life as a commodity for sale in a store . 50 ever , imagine that someone used that server to cut the cake at her wedding , and it became a cherished family heirloom passed down from one generation to the next . Unfortunately , the server ended up in the hands of a cousin who did not feel a sentimental attachment to this object . She sold it to a gold and silver broker for currency and it was transformed into an anonymous commodity . That broker in turn sold it to a dealer who melted it down , turning the once cherished cake server back into a raw material . Transforming Barbie Dolls We have already learned about the hard Work that Americans devote to converting impersonal into sentimental gifts at Christmastime with the goal of nourishing their closest social bonds . Consumers in capitalist systems continuously attempt to reshape the meaning of the commodities that businesses brand , package , and market to The anthropologist Elizabeth Chin conducted graphic research among young African American children in a poor neighborhood of New Haven , exploring the intersection of consumption , inequality , and cultural identity . Chin specifically looked at ethnically correct Barbie dolls , arguing that while they may represent some progress in comparison to the past when only white Barbies were sold , they also reinforce dated understandings of biological race and ethnicity . Rather than dismantling race and class aries , the ethnic dolls create segregated toy shelves that in fact mirror the segregation that young black children experience in their schools and neighborhoods . The young black girls that Chin researched were unable to afford these 20 dolls and typically played with less expensive , generic Barbie dolls that were The girls used their nations and worked to transform their dolls by giving them hairstyles like their own , braiding and ing the dolls long straight hair in order to integrate the dolls into their own A quick perusal of the Internet reveals numerous tutorials and blogs devoted to black Barbie , demonstrating that the young New Haven girls are not the only ones working to transform these in socially meaningful Consumption in the Developing World Consumption provides us with a window into globalization , which we will learn more about in the Globalization chapter . Over the past several decades , as global capitalism expanded its reach into developing countries around the world , many people fretted that the growing of Western would lead to cultural homogeneity and even cultural imperialism . Some argued that with every constructed , the values and beliefs of the West were being imposed on societies . However , anthropologists have systematically challenged this thesis by providing a more sophisticated understanding of local cultural . They demonstrate that people do not become Westernized simply by buying Western commodities , any more than I become somehow after eating at my favorite neighborhood hibachi restaurant . In fact , anthropological research shows

that Western commodities can sometimes lead to a resurgence of local identities and an affirmation of local processes over global patterns . The Children Cry for Bread The anthropologist Mary researched how families adapt to changing economic stances , including the introduction of Western products into their indigenous community of , Ecuador . Once subsistence barley farmers , men from began to migrate to cities in search of work while the women stayed home to care for the children and continue to farm barley for home consumption . The men periodically returned home , bringing cash earnings and urban such as bread . The children associated this bread with modernity and city life , and they preferred to eat it rather than the traditional staple food of toasted ground barley , grown and cooked by their mothers . The children cried for the bread their fathers brought home . Yet , their mothers resisted their pleas and continued to feed them grains from their own fields because barley consumption was ered a core component of indigenous This example illustrates the complex negotiations that emerge within families and communities when they are increasingly integrated into a global economy and exposed to Western goods . Consumption , Status , and Recognition among the Elite in China In other parts of the world , the consumption of Western goods can be used to cement social and nomic status within local networks . John studied the new elite in China , the class of who have successfully navigated the recent transitions in the Chinese economy since the early when private businesses and foreign investment began to steadily expand their reach in this found that the new elite do not constitute a coherent class defined by income level or occupation . Instead , they occupy an unstable and contested category and consequently rely on the consumption of goods and services in order to stabilize their identities . argues that the whole point of elite consumption in , China , is to make one nomic , social , and cultural capital as transparent and legible as possible to the widest audience in order to let everyone know one is wealthy and well connected . Consequently , the elite favor easily recognizable and pricey brand names . However , consumption is not simply an arena of status display . Instead , shows how it is a form of social practice through which relationships with other elites are forged the shared consumption of conventional luxury objects like liquor and tobacco solidifies relationships among the Commodities and Global Capitalism In his 1967 speech A Christmas Sermon on Peace , the Reverend Martin Luther King , reminded us that all life is interrelated We are all caught in an inescapable network of mutuality , tied into a single garment of destiny . Did you ever stop to think that you can leave for your job in the morning without being dependent on most of the world ?

You get up in the morning and reach over for the sponge , and thats handed to you by a Pacific Islander . You reach for a bar of soap , given to you at the hands of a Frenchman . And then you PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY go into the kitchen to drink your coffee for the morning , and thats poured into your cup by a South American . And before you finish eating breakfast in the morning , you ve depended on more than half the King words are even truer today than they were in the late . Due to the intensification of global capitalism , the vast majority of the commodities we buy and the food we consume come to us from tant places while such global supply chains are not new , they have become increasingly dense in an age of container shipping and overnight air deliveries . Recall that a commodity is any good that is produced for sale or exchange for other goods . However , commodities are more than just a means to acquire general purpose money . They also embody social relations of production , the identities of businesses , and particular geographic locales . Many economic anthropologists today study global through the lens of a concrete substance that makes a circuit through various locales , exploring the social lives of commodities such as mutton , coffee , sushi , and In following these commodities along their supply chains , anthropologists highlight not only relations of production but also the power of ideas , images , and noneconomic actors . These studies of specific commodities are a powerful method to show how capitalism has grown , spread , and agrarian societies around the Darjeeling Tea The anthropologist Sarah researched Darjeeling tea production in India to better understand how consumer desires are mapped onto distant In India , tea plantation owners are ing to reinvent their product for century markets through the use of certification ( discussed earlier in this chapter ) and Geographical Indication Status ( GI ) GI is an international system , regulated by the World Trade Organization , that legally protects the rights of people in certain places to produce certain commodities . For example , bourbon must come from Kentucky , Mezcal can only be produced in certain parts of Mexico , and sparkling wine can only be called if it originated in France . Similarly , in order to legally be sold as Darjeeling tea , the tea leaves must come from the Darjeeling district of the Indian state of West Bengal . Tea Workers In , India explores how the meaning of Darjeeling tea is created through three interrelated processes ( extensive marketing campaigns aimed at educating consumers about the unique Darjeeling taste , the

application of international law to define the geographic borders within which Darjeeling tea can be produced , and ( the introduction of tea tourism . What the Darjeeling label hides is the fact that tea plantations are highly unequal systems with economic relationships that date back to the colonial era workers depend upon plantation owners not just for money but also for food , medical care , schools , and housing . Even when we pay more for Darjeeling tea , the premium price is not always returned to the workers in the form of higher wages . research shows how capitalism and market exchange shapes the daily lives of people around the world . The final section of this chapter explores the ways in which economic anthropologists understand and question structural inequalities in the world today . POLITICAL ECONOMY UNDERSTANDING INEQUALITY Humans are fundamentally social , and our culture is always shared and patterned we live our lives in groups . However , not all groups serve the needs of their members , and some people have more power than others , meaning they can make the weak consent through threats and coercion . Within all societies there are classes of people defined by the kinds of property they own the kinds of Work they engage Beginning in the , an increasing number of anthropologists began to study the world around them through the lens of political economy . This approach recognizes that the economy is to everyday life but economic relations within state structures , political processes , social structures , and cultural Some political economic anthropologists focus on how societies and markets have historically evolved while others ask how individuals deal with the forces that oppress them , focusing on historical legacies of social domination and . 64 Karl Marx famously wrote , Men make their own history , but they do not make it as they please they do not make it under circumstances , but under circumstances existing already , given and transmitted from the 65 In other words , while humans are inherently creative , our possibilities are limited by the structural realities of our everyday lives . Consider a typical college student . Is this student happy with the courses her department or college is offering ?

Are there courses that she needs to graduate that are not being offered yet ?

She is free to choose among the listed courses , but she can not choose which courses are available . This depends on factors beyond her control as a student who is available to teach which topics or what the tion has decided is important enough to offer . So , her agency and ability to choose is highly constrained by the structures in place . In the same way , political economies constrain people choices and define the terms by which we must live . it is not simply structures that determine our choices and actions these are also shaped by our community . just as our college student may come to think of the requirements she has to fulfill for her degree as just the way it is ( even if she does not want to take that theory ) people come to think of their available choices in everyday life as simply the natural order of things . However , the degree of agency one has depends on the amount of power one has and the degree to which one understands the dimensions of ones life . This focus on power and structural relations parallels an anthropological understanding of culture as a holistic system economic relations never exist by themselves , apart from social and political institutions . Structural Violence and the Politics of Aid in Haiti

140 AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Anthropologists interested in understanding economic inequalities often research forms of structural violence present in the communities where they ( Structural violence is a form of violence in which a social structure or institution harms people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs . In other words , how political and economic forces structure risk for various forms of suffering within a population . Structural violence can include things like infectious disease , hunger , and violence ( torture , rape , crime , In the United States we tend to focus on individuals and personal experiences . A popular narrative holds that if you work hard enough you can pull yourself up by your bootstraps in this country of immigrants and economic opportunity . The converse of this ideology is victim blaming the logic is that if people are poor it is their own However , studying structural violence helps us understand that for some people there simply is no getting ahead and all one can hope for is survival . The conditions of everyday life in Haiti , which only worsened after the 2010 earthquake , are a good example of how structural violence limits individual opportunities . Haiti is the most unequal country in Latin America and the Caribbean the richest 20 percent of its population holds more than 64 cent of its total wealth , while the poorest 20 percent hold barely one percent . The contrast is between the urban and rural areas almost 70 percent of Haiti rural households are chronically poor ( 20 percent in cities ) meaning they survive on less than a day and lack access to basic goods and Haiti suffers from widespread unemployment and underemployment , and more than thirds of people in the labor force do not have formal jobs . The population is not well educated , and more than 40 percent of the population over the age of 15 is According to the World Food Programme , more than Haitian children under the age of five suffer from acute malnutrition and one in three children is stunted ( or irreversibly short for their age ) Only 50 percent of households have access to safe water , and only 25 percent have adequate 12 , 2010 , a devastating magnitude earthquake struck this highly unequal and nation , killing more than people and displacing close to million more . Because the earthquake epicenter was near the capital city , the National Palace and the majority of Haiti mental offices were almost completely destroyed . The government lost an estimated 17 percent of its workforce . Other vital infrastructure , such as hospitals , communication systems , and roads , was also damaged , making it harder to respond to immediate needs after the The world responded with one of its most generous of aid in recent history . By March , 2010 , half of all citizens had donated a combined total of billion for the relief effort ( wide billion was raised ) and on March 31 , 2010 international agencies pledged billion over the next 18 The anthropologist Mark studied the aftermath of the earthquake and the politics of humanitarianism in Haiti . He found that little of this aid ever reached Haiti most people , the million people living in the ( internally displaced persons ) camps . Less than one percent of the aid actually was given to the Haitian government . The largest single recipient was the military ( 33 percent ) and the majority of the aid was dispersed to organizations ( Working in Haiti . Because so little of this aid reached the people on the ground who needed it most , seven months lowing the disaster 40 percent of the camps did not have access to water , and 30 percent did not have toilets of any kind . Only ten percent of families in the camps had a tent and the rest slept under tarps or bedsheets . Only 20 percent of the camps had education , health care , or mental health facilities argues that this failure constitutes a violation of the Haitian human rights , and it is linked to a long history of exploitative relations between Haiti and the rest of the World . Haiti is the second oldest republic in the Western Hemisphere ( after the United States ) having declared its independence from France in 1804 . Years later , in order to earn diplomatic recognition

from the French government , Haiti agreed to pay financial reparations to the powerful nation from 1825 to 1947 . In order to do so , Haiti was forced to take out large loans from and European banks at high interest rates . During the twentieth century , the country suffered at the hands of brutal , and its foreign debts continued to increase . argues that the world system continually applied pressure to Haiti , draining its resources and forcing it into the debt bondage that kept it from developing . In the process , this system contributed to the very surplus that allowed powerful Western nations to When the earthquake struck , Haiti economy already revolved around international aid and foreign sent by migrants ( which represented approximately 25 percent of the gross domestic ) Haiti had become a republic of that attract the nations most educated , talented workers ( because they can pay significantly higher wages than the national government , for example ) argues that the constitute a form of imperialism as they reproduce the world The relief money funneled through these organizations ended up supporting a new elite class rather than the impoverished multitudes that so desperately need the assistance . CONCLUSION Anthropologists have identified forms of structural inequality in countless places around the world . As we will learn in the Public Anthropology chapter , anthropology can be a powerful tool for addressing the pressing social issues of our times . When anthropological research is presented in an accessible and easily understood form , it can effectively encourage meaningful public conversations about questions such as how to best disperse relief aid after natural disasters . One of economic anthropology most important lessons is that multiple forms of economic tion and exchange structure our daily lives and social relationships . As we have seen throughout this chapter , people simultaneously participate in both market and reciprocal exchanges on a regular basis . For example , I may buy lunch for a friend today with the idea that she will return the favor next week when she cooks me supper . Building on this anthropological idea of economic diversity , some scholars argue that in order to address the economic inequalities surrounding us we should collectively work to construct a community economy , or a space for economic that recognizes and our interdependence with other humans , other species , and our environment . ham , Jenny Cameron , and Stephen argue that in the process of recognizing and negotiating this interdependence , we become a At the heart of the community economies framework is an understanding of economic diversity that parallels anthropological perspectives . The economic iceberg is a visual that nicely illustrates this Above the waterline are economic activities that are visible in mainstream economic accounts , things like formal wage labor and shopping for groceries in a supermarket . Below the waterline we find the wide range of people , places , and activities that contribute to our . This conceptual tool helps us to explore that can not be captured through mechanical market feedback The most prevalent form of labor around the world is the unpaid work that is conducted within the household , the family , and the neighborhood or wider community . When we include these activities in our understanding of the diverse economy , we also reposition many people who may see themselves ( or are labeled by others ) as unemployed or economically inactive When we highlight these different kinds of labor and forms of compensation we expand the scope of economic identities that fall

PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL outside the narrow range valued by market production and exchange ( employer , employee , or ) Recognizing our mutual connections and the surplus possibilities in our own community is an important first step toward building an alternative economy , one that privileges community spheres rather than market spheres and supports equality over inequality . This also resonates with one of nomic anthropology central goals searching for alternatives to the exploitative capitalist relations that structure the daily lives of so many people around the world today . 82 Discussion Questions Why are the economic activities of people like the fair trade coffee farmers described in this chapter challenging to characterize ?

What benefits do the coffee farmers hope to achieve by participating in a fair trade cooperative ?

Why would participating in the global economy actually make these farming families more independent ?

This chapter includes several examples of the ways in which economic production , consumption , and exchange link our lives to those of people in other parts of the world . Thinking about your own daily economic activities , how is your lifestyle dependent on people in other places ?

In what ways might your consumption choices be connected to global economic inequality ?

General purpose money is used for most transactions in our society . How is the act of purchasing an object with money different from trading or in terms of the social and personal connections involved ?

Would an alternative like the HOURS system be beneficial to your community ?

The Barbie doll is a product that represents rigid cultural ideas about race , but Elizabeth Chin discovered in her research that girls who play with these dolls transform the dolls appearance and racial identity . What are some other examples of products that people purchase and modify as a form of personal expression or social commentary ?

GLOSSARY Balanced reciprocity the exchange of something with the expectation that something of equal value will be returned within a specific time period . Consumption the process of buying , eating , or using a resource , food , commodity , or service . Generalized reciprocity giving without expecting a specific thing in return . General purpose money a medium of exchange that can be used in all economic transactions . Homo a term used to describe a person who would make rational decisions in ways by economic theories . Means of production the resources used to produce goods in a society such as land for farming or factories . Mode of production the social relations through which human labor is used to transform energy from nature using tools , skills , organization , and knowledge . Negative reciprocity an attempt to get something for nothing exchange in which both parties try to take advantage of the other . Political economy an approach in anthropology that investigates the historical evolution of economic relationships as well as the contemporary political processes and social structures that contribute to differences in income and wealth . Redistribution the accumulation of goods or labor by a particular person or institution for the pose of dispersal at a later date . Structural violence a form of violence in which a social structure or institution harms people by

venting them from meeting their basic needs . Subsistence farmers people who raise plants and animals for their own consumption , but not for sale to others . ABOUT THE AUTHOR Sarah Lyon is an Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Kentucky . Her work is situated at the juncture of development studies , economic anthropology and food studies . She is particularly interested in how alternative food networks such as fair trade work to create and sustain diverse economies in the United States and Latin America . BIBLIOGRAPHY , James . The Lobster Gangs of Maine . Lebanon , University Press of New England , 1988 . Sarah . The Darjeeling Distinction Labor and justice on Tea Plantations in India . Berkeley University of California Press , 2014 . Paul and Laura . Economy . IL Northwestern University Press , 1968 . Carrier , James . Gifts and Commodities Exchange and Western Capitalism Since 1700 . New York , Chin , Elizabeth . Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture . University of Minnesota Press , 2001 . Cameron , and Stephen . Take Back the Economy An Ethical Guide for Transforming Our Communities . University of Minnesota Press , 2013 . Hansen , Karen . The World of Secondhand Clothing and . Chicago University of Chicago Press , 2000 . Hart , Keith . Money in Twentieth Century In A Handbook of Economic Anthropology , edited Carrier . MA Edward , 2012 . King , Martin Luther A Christmas Sermon on Peace , December 24 , 1967 , Lyon , Sarah . Coffee and Community Maya Farmers and Fair Trade Markets . Boulder University Press of Colorado , 2011 . Marx , Karl . The Eighteenth of Louis In The Reader , edited by Robert Tucker . New York Norton , 1978 1852 . Marcel . The Gift The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies . London , 1990 1925 .

144 PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL , ohn . Anxious Wealth Money and Morality Among China New Rich . Stanford , CA Stanford Press , 2013 . Fair Money , Fair Trade Tracing Alternative Consumption in a Local Currency In Fair Trade and Social Global , edited by Sarah Lyon and Mark . New York New York University Press , 2010 . Stuart . The Potlatch System of the Southern A New Perspective , Southwestern 21 ( 1965 ) Mark . Haiti Disaster after the Disaster the Camps and Cholera , Assistance , December 10 , Killing with Kindness Haiti , International Aid , and . New Brunswick , Rutgers University Press , 2012 . Smith , Daniel . A Culture of Corruption Everyday Deception and Popular Discontent in . Princeton , Princeton University Press , 2007 . Mary . Food , Gender , and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes . Philadelphia University of Press , 1988 . Wolf , Eric . Europe and the People without History . Berkeley University of California Press , 1982 . Notes . James Carrier , Introduction , inA Handbook Anthropology , Carrier ( MA Edward , 2012 ) Richard Wilk and Lisa , Economies and Cultures Foundations Anthropology ( Boulder , CO view Press , 2007 ) 37 . Carol , How Homo Went Extinct , Wall Street , May 15 , 2015 , 43 72 255 . Eric Wolf , Europe and the People without History ( Berkeley University of California Press , 1982 ) Richard Lee , The Dobe ( Belmont , CA Publishing , 2013 ) See also , Thomas Patterson , and Redistribution , inA Handbook Anthropology , ed . ames Carrier ( MA Edward , 2012 ) Hill Gates , China Motor A Thousand Years Capitalism ( New York Cornell University Press , 1996 ) Thomas Patterson , Distribution and Redistribution , in A Handbook Anthropology , ed . James Carrier ( MA Edward , 2012 ) 204 . Martha Alter Chen , The Informal Economy in Comparative Perspective , inA Handbook , Carrier ( MA Edward , 2012 ) 493 . Keith Hart , Money in Twentieth Century Anthropology , inA Handbook Anthropology , ed . ames rier ( MA Edward , 2012 ) 10 . See for more information . 11 . Sarah Lyon , Coffee and Community Maya Farmers and Fair Trade Markets ( Boulder University Press of Colorado , 201 ) 12 . Friedrich Schneider , Andreas , and Claudio , Shadow Economies from All Over the World New Estimates for 162 Countries from 1999 to 2007 , World Bank Polity Research Working Paper No . 5356 , July ?

13 . Karen Hansen , The World Clothing and ( Chicago University of Chicago Press , 2000 ) 14 . Elizabeth Cline , Overdressed The High Cost of Cheap Fashion ( New York Portfolio , 2013 ) 15 . Robyn and Teo , Is Your Old Hurting African Economies ?

April 12 , 2013 , 16 . 17 . 18 . 19 . 20 . 21 . 22 . 23 . 24 . 25 26 . 27 28 . 29 . 30 . 31 . 32 . 33 . 34 . 35 . 36 . 37 . 38 . 39 . 40 . 41 42 . 43 . 44 . 45 . 46 . 47 . 48 . 49 . 50 . Karen Hansen , Marshall , Stone Age Economics ( Chicago Aldine , 1972 ) Keith Hart , Money in Twentieth Century Anthropology , 179 . Marcel , The Gift The Form and Exchange in Archaic Societies ( London , 1990 1925 ) Richard Wilk and Lisa , Economics and Cultures Foundations Anthropology , 20 . of the Western Pacific ( New York Dutton , 1961 1922 ) Pew Research Center , Celebrating Christmas and the Holidays Then and Now , December 18 , James Carrier , Gifts and Commodities Exchange and Western Capitalism since 1700 ( New York , 1995 ) 189 Pew Research Center , Celebrating Christmas and the Holidays Then and . James Carrier , Gifts and Commodities . 178 . Erika , What I Learned Hanging out with Nigerian Email Scammers , March 20 , Daniel Smith , A Culture of Corruption Everyday Deception and Popular Discontent in ( Princeton , ton University Press , 2007 ) Erika , What I Learned Hanging out with Nigerian Email Scammers . Internal Revenue Service , Book ( Internal Revenue Service , 2016 ) Richard Wilk and Lisa , Economics and Cultures , 156 . Stuart , The Potlatch System of the Southern A New Perspective , Southwestern journal of Anthropology 21 ( 1965 ) James , The Lobster Gangs ( Lebanon , University Press of New England , 1988 ) Alf , Learning from the Why a Sustainable Economy Would Have to Be , Culture and Agriculture 29 ( 2007 ) 64 . Paul and Laura , Economy ( IL Northwestern University Press , 1968 ) Paul , Some Principles of Exchange and Investment among the , American Anthropologist 57 ( 1955 ) 65 . 64 . Fair Money , Fair Trade Tracing Alternative Consumption in a Local Currency Economy , in Fair Trade and Global , ed . Sarah Lyon and Mark ( New York New York University Press , 2010 ) Jenny Cameron , and Stephen , Take Back the Economy An Ethical ing Our Communities ( University of Minnesota Press , 2013 ) For more information , see , Fair Money , Fair Trade Tracing Alternative Consumption in a Local Currency Economy . Ibid . 216 . Rudi , Consumption From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism , in book of Sociocultural Anthropology , Carrier and Deborah ( New York Berg Publishers , 2013 ) 319 . Ibid . Mary Douglas and Baron , A World of Goods Toward an Anthropology of Consumption ( New York Basic Books , 1979 ) Consumption From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Arjun , The Social Life of Things Commodities in Cultural Perspective ( Cambridge Cambridge University

146 PERSPECTIVES AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY 51 . 52 . 53 . 54 . 55 . 56 57 . 58 . 59 . 60 . 61 . 62 . 63 64 . 65 . 66 67 . 68 . 69 . 70 . 71 . 72 . 73 . 74 . 75 . 76 . 77 78 . Press , 1986 ) Consumption From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism , 329 . See for instance , 5203859 Elizabeth Chin , Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture ( University of Press , 2001 ) For example , Mary , Food , Gender , and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes ( Philadelphia University of Pennsylvania Press , 1988 ) john , Anxious Wealth Money and Morality among China New Rich ( Stanford , CA Stanford University Press , 2013 ) 121 . Martin Luther King , A Christmas Sermon on Peace , December 24 , 1967 , Some examples of this literature include Deborah and Frederick , Cheap Meat Flap Food Nations in the Pacific Islands ( Berkeley University of California Press , 2010 ) Sarah Lyon , Coffee and Community Maya Farmers and Fair Trade Markets ( Boulder University Press of Colorado , 2011 ) Theodore , The Fish Market at the Center of the World ( Berkeley University of California Press , 2004 ) and Sidney , Sweetness and Power The Place in Modern History ( New York Penguin , 1985 ) Consumption From Cultural Theory to the Ethnography of Capitalism , 326 . Sarah , The Darjeeling Distinction Labor on Tea Plantations in India ( Berkeley University of California Press , 2014 ) Wilk and , Economies and Cultures Foundations Anthropology , 84 , Political Economy , in Handbook of Sociocultural Anthropology , Carrier and Deborah ( New York Berg Publishers , 2013 ) 89 . The historical evolution of societies and markets is explored by Eric Wolf in Europe and the People without History ( Berkeley University of California Press , 1982 ) The legacies of social domination and are cussed by Philippe in In Search Selling Crack in El Barrio ( Cambridge Cambridge University Press , 1995 ) Karl Marx , The Eighteenth Napoleon , in The Reader , Edition , ed . Robert Tucker ( New York Norton , 1978 1852 ) Johan , Violence , Peace , and Peace Research , Research no . 1969 ) See Max Weber work The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism available at Living Conditions in Haiti Capital Improve , but Rural Communities Remain Very Poor , World Bank , 11 , CIA Haiti , Ten Facts about Hunger in Haiti , Mark , Haiti Disaster after the Disaster the Camps and Cholera , journal , December 10 , Ibid . Ibid . Mark , Killing with Kindness Haiti , and ( New Brunswick , Rutgers University Press , 2012 ) Terry Buss , Haiti in the Balance Why Foreign Aid has Failed and What We Can Do about It ( The Institute , 2008 ) Mark , Killing with Kindness . Cameron , and Stephen , Take Back the Economy An Ethical ing Our Communities ( University of Minnesota Press , 2013 ) Ken , Iceberg Image ,

79 . 80 81 . 82 . Cameron , and , Take Back the Economy , A Politics ( University of Minnesota Press , 2006 ) 65 . Keith Hart , Money in Twentieth Century Anthropology .