Contemporary Families An Equity Lens Textbook Chapter 7 Representation and Belonging

. REPRESENTATION AND BELONGING REPRESENTATION AND PREVIEW 219 REPRESENTATION AND BELONGING QUESTIONS As you read this chapter , consider the following questions . What formal processes exist in the United States for representation of all families ?

What contributes to some families being represented less frequently in social processes such as voting , being elected , and participating in the Census ?

How would more parity amongst our elected representatives make a difference ?

What are the barriers to participation ?

What institutional changes could be made to increase tion ?

What new processes and institutions could you imagine that might lead to more equity in ?

Which demographic groups are best represented ?

Least represented ?

How is representation linked with equity ?

How has the feminist movement evolved and changed over time ?

How do social movements interact with laws , policy , and elected officials ?

How are representation and belonging linked ?

220 REPRESENTATION AND REPRESENTATION AND BELONGING Elizabeth Pearce How is equity for families served by representation ?

We can recognize social institutions because they serve a critical function for society and contain a structure of rules and roles . Those roles almost always include some form of representation a way in which is streamlined and the participants are how seen and acknowledged even if they do not directly participate in leadership . Representation means that families know that they belong , that they are important , that their needs are known , and that the institution is functional . If the representation does not serve these purposes , it is unlikely that outcomes will be equitable for families . In this chapter , we will focus on the institutions of local and national governments . As you read , consider applying these same concepts to other institutions that are important to you , your friends , or schools , the college and university systems , health care and health insurance , businesses and corporations , prisons and courts , media , and others . Your social identities affect your experience with representation . In other words , it is likely that you , the reader , see representation through the lens of how well you have typically been represented in this country institutions . Any individual social identities are ( refer to the Social Identity Wheel in the Social Construction of Difference chapter ) and each family member adds additional complexities . This is one of the beautiful and challenging aspects of family life . It is aspirational to think that we live in a country where every family has equitable access to opportunity and representation . An aspect of this belief is that our see , listen to , and understand the needs of families that they do not know personally . For example , this author is a member of the community , is White , and is a female . In many organizations , I observe that the majority of the leadership is White . I see many women ers , although the percentage decreases as the level of power increases . And I see relatively few members of the community . Since this part of the population is small ( about 10 or less ) I do not expect a majority of leaders in any organization to be members of this group . What I hope for is that regardless of demographic , these leaders still work to understand me and my family . This is especially true of any aspect of my identity that has been marginalized in my case , that is being a woman and being part of the community . I hope that they listen to my stories . That they see me . They work to educate themselves about families like mine , so that even if I don see people like myself making the decisions that affect my family , they still represent me .

REPRESENTATION AND I 221 Fig . Social identities are complex , and every family member adds additional complexities to identity . When I think about representation from this perspective , I am not only considering the federal government . I am thinking about employers , city councils , my health care insurance and health care providers , the school board , and the local court system . All of these institutions affect families based on their identities and . It is important to note that all families are affected by all institutions even if they are not included by the institution . In fact , those left out may be most affected . In my case , I was left out of the social process of legal marriage , which was historically controlled by state governments and now by federal law . For example , health care and retirement are typically tied to employers , whether they are public organizations , corporations , or entities . Those employers will determine which of my family qualify for and may be listed as of pension or life insurance policies . The school board is making decisions about forms , processes , rights and responsibilities affecting my children . The local courts and judges interpret laws and make decisions about adoption , divorce , custody agreements and for foster children . In all of these cases , I want to know that the people in the decision making roles have some understanding of who my family is , and who I am , whether or not they share the same social identities . They are representing me , not just as an individual , but as a member of the community that designated them with this power . Each one of you who reads this has your own social identities which overlap with the identities within your family . As you read this chapter , consider what representation means to you and how you would like to be resented , included , or not included within the various institutions in which you participate .

222 I AND Historical Context The Declaration of Independence is commonly quoted to demonstrate that the United States is founded on equality . We hold these truths to be , that all men are created equal , that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights , that among these are Life , Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness But as we know , this declaration did not apply to all men in the United States , but only to men who were White , and in some cases was limited to ( early in the history of the United States , individual states regulated the right to vote , so there was variability about which White men had access to this form of equality ) Not to mention women , at a time when the White culture sex and gender in a binary way . Consider your own social identity and its overlapping characteristics . Our familial and individual social identities have a relationship with representation . Our social identities ( including how others us ) affect what kind of representation we have experienced , while representation continues to contribute to the social construction of identity color , ethnicity , gender , sex , socioeconomic status , ability , age and so on . Understanding this relationship can help us increase equity in two ways ' Reducing the effects of racialization and other forms of stereotyping that contribute to the tion of families and ' Acknowledging the ways that families who are part of the dominant culture from the ing and bias of marginalized groups . When we talk about families , we are moving far beyond the social construction of the typical family and the ways that government and other institutions family for taxes , health care , and other legal rights and responsibilities . We are including all the ways that people their own families . It is our aspirational goal to inspire readers to understand injustice more deeply via the ways that we are represented in institutions and to advocate and contribute to changes toward greater equity for families in the United States . We will study a couple of the formal ways that families can expect to be represented in the United States , and how that representation plays out when we look at equity . This is important because governing bodies make decisions that affect all families the , laws , and regulations made by governments ers , business practices , schools and other public facilities such as libraries and parks . We will look at the United States Census , a survey which attempts to count all the people ( not all citizens , but all people ) living in the United States and directly impacts the number of seats that a state has assigned . Jefferson , 1776 , July ) Declaration of independence A transcription .

REPRESENTATION AND I 223 in the House of Representatives , as well as how federal funds are distributed . Then we will look more closely at voting and the resulting elected officials at the local , state , and federal levels . Those officials are directly responsible for the laws and justice systems that govern us . Finally , we will look at an aspect of representation outside of the formal processes activism and social movements . The United States Census The United States Census is conducted every ten years with the goal of counting every person in the country , although , as described below , it is almost impossible to reach this goal . The census collects information about the race , age , and housing situation of the population . The primary purpose of the census , as established in the Constitution , is to determine the number of seats each state will have in the House of Representatives , the legislative branch of government . Voting district boundaries must then be in states that have gained or lost seats between census years ( we will take a closer look at how redistricting is done and the spatial challenges of the process in later chapters ) also determine how hundreds of billions of dollars in federal ing are distributed for many important purposes , including education , health care , environmental protection , transportation , and other forms of federal aid to states and cities . The first census , carried out in 1791 by sixteen marshals and 650 assistants , counted around million people . They asked only a few questions the number of free persons , the number of enslaved people , and the sex and race of each individual .

224 I REPRESENTATION AND BELONGING Fig . 72 . Census form 1791 . This form for the first census in the United States was filled out by a census taker who asked a few questions . By 1960 , with the population approaching 180 million , it was no longer feasible to have a census taker visit each household . Instead , questionnaires were mailed to every household , and temporary employees followed up in person with the households that did not respond .

REPRESENTATION AND BELONGING I 225 Fig . 73 . Census form 1960 . This is a blank copy of the 1960 Census form that was mailed to each household to be out . Questions asked of all households now include the number of persons by age , gender , ethnicity , ship , and household composition . Between 1940 and 2000 , one in six households also received a more detailed long form survey which asked questions about a much wider range of topics including income , occupation , commute length , and military service . The Census Bureau then used this sample to estimate the characteristics of the rest of the population . Demand for more timely social data led to the development of the American Community Survey ( which replaced the long form census survey in 2010 . The is conducted every year in order to provide more frequent snapshots of demographic , economic , and housing characteristics of the population . ever , only million households receive the survey per year ( less than of the population ) which introduces substantial statistical errors in estimates for the whole population . Data for the census and are collected from each household , but in order to preserve privacy and to make the data easier to use , the Census Bureau the data to larger geographic areas .

226 REPRESENTATION AND BELONGING Limitations of Census Data The census is the most comprehensive source of demographic information available for the United States , but it still has important limitations . The primary challenge is accuracy and . The census attempts to take a snapshot of how many people there are and where they are living on April of the census year . The method for collecting data assumes that every person lives in a housing unit with a postal address and that they will respond accurately to surveys . The Census Bureau estimated that approximately 10 million people were missed in its 2010 count . Fig . Census 2010 . The first enumeration of the 2010 Census took place in , Alaska . An early start allows census takers to reach remote villages before residents leave to hunt and or travel for jobs following the spring thaw . is not random because it is more prevalent in certain areas and . Those who are houseless or have unstable housing at the time of the census are often missed . Those residing in remote rural areas can be hard to contact by mail or in person . The census is also less likely to receive responses from those who distrust the government , such as people fearful that their answers will be used by immigration ment to deport undocumented family members .

REPRESENTATION AND I 227 The census is only taken every ten years , and the counts have consequences for states and cities . The accuracy of counts can be very contentious in cities . For example , Detroit challenged the of the 2010 census , having come up people short of a population cutoff point for many major sources of federal funding . Since poor and marginalized populations are among the hardest to count , districts with the most need are also the most at risk of and underrepresentation . Beyond accuracy issues , while the census and provide an extensive set of social data , plenty of topics are not covered . For example , there are no questions about religion , consumer spending , or political party . The quantity and wording of questions asked in the census has changed over time , and data are not always available for all places or for all geographic areas . Remember that there are many other social surveys which collect information about different attributes , areas , or periods . For example , the Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies conducts the Religious Congregations and Membership Study ( every 10 years to track patterns of religious ation . Local governments gather data for projects in their region . There are also conducted in countries around the world with varying levels of detail and accuracy . Why Does the Government Care about Race ?

One or more interactive elements has been excluded from this version of the text . You can View them online here ?

This video helps us understand why race was emphasized in the census , related to the number of voters ( mostly free White men over the age of 21 years ) and number of elected representatives . It also describes the changes in how race and ethnicity have been . Remember the discussion of the social tion of race in the chapter of this text ?

The changing of race within the census data are a example of the socially constructed aspect of race . But social constructions have real effects on families and kinship groups . One of the reasons that we continue to quantify race is to track access to resources and the equity of experience for individuals and families . The 2020 Census count was ended early by the Trump Administration . Originally scheduled to end ber 30 , 2020 , all counting ceased on October 31 , 2020 . The Census Bureau has populations that are less likely to participate in the process as Hard to Count ( Have you or your family members . US Census Bureau . 2019 , Counting the hard to count in a census .

228 I AND in the Census ?

Perhaps your family falls into a group that the Census Bureau as hard to locate , contact , persuade , or interview . It is likely that fewer people , primarily in the hard to count groups , in the 2020 census due to its shortened timeline . Current events affect participation increased efforts to limit immigration and other quickly changing laws and policies related to immigrants in recent years may reduce the number of immigrants willing to participate . For example , the Trump administration fought in several legal forums to have a question about citizenship added to the 2020 Census , but this question was not added . In addition , the pandemic may affect the number of college students who respond to the Census . The main dates for the mailing of census forms was between April and May 13 , 2020 , at a time when many college students abandoned their regular place of residence ( such as dormitory or apartment building in a college town ) and went to live with parents or other family members . Towns with large universities may be affected by lower census counts because of this pattern . The set of 2020 census results were not ready by the December 31 , 2020 deadline . Delays due to the pandemic and changes by the Trump administration contributed to the inability of the government to submit these numbers that will determine electoral college and Congressional tion for the next decade . The official Census website contains only approximate date estimates for meeting these requirements as 2020 vou can check the website here for updates . We Count Oregon is an organization and website that has been developed to persuade everyone to pate . Why ?

The more people who participate will lead to more federal funding for hospitals , Medicaid , Head Start , parks , roads , and other programs . Oregon is one of states ( Arizona , Colorado , Florida and North Carolina are the others ) predicted to earn an additional seat in the House of Representatives . We Count gon communities as including people of color , children under , renters , immigrants , ple with limited English , homes , Native tribal and urban communities , disabled people , and If you and your family are wondering if you can make a difference by out the Census , check out their website here . It is an opportunity to be more fully represented . Even if you missed the 2020 Census , the American Community Survey ( which samples a much smaller part of the ation ) is an opportunity to be counted each year . If you are selected , it is an opportunity to have your family represented to the many scholars , groups , and in the United States . a One or more interactive elements has been excluded from this version of the text . You can View them online here ?

We Count Oregon . About . 14 , 2020 , from REF AND BELONGING 229 Licenses and Open Content , Shared Previously The United States Census is from Census Data by Melinda and Dudley in egg and Technology . License . Figure . Image by US Census Bureau . Public domain . Figure by US Census Bureau . Public domain . Figure . by US Census Bureau . Public domain . Open Content , Original Figure . Family photos by Liz Pearce . License BY 40 . All Rights Reserved Content Why Does the Government Care about Race ?

Origin of Everything . License Standard YouTube license . The 2020 Census is about Money and Power ( Dancing Hearts Consulting . License Standard license .

230 i AND POWER AND POWER Elizabeth Pearce Much of the in the United States is executed by elected officials via legislation that passes through several branches of government . While most are elected by popular vote , the President is elected through the electoral college and some leaders , including the President , have the authority to appoint other officials such as judges and cabinet secretaries . People who have the right to vote , and who choose to vote , have some on who gets elected . Voting is important and is one aspect of tion , a potential equalizer in a country in which some decisions are made via direct democracy ( each individual has a vote ) and others are made by representative democracy ( elected representatives ) As we will explore in this section , however , there are complicating factors that affect elections and equity . votes ?

There are a variety of reasons that people don vote in local , state , and national elections . Thomas Jefferson is known for saying , We do not have government by the majority . We have government by the majority who Ironically , Jefferson was a part of the legislature that limited which people in the United States actually had the right to vote . In fact , what he could have said was , We do not have government by the ity . We have government by the majority of people whom we have allowed to vote and who This text aims to examine how institutions still limit voting rights both explicitly and implicitly . Voter Registration Across the United States Elections are contests . They include general elections for president and statewide offices ( governor and senator ) and they are often organized and paid for by the states . Because political cultures vary from state to state , the process of voter registration also varies . For example , suppose an retiree with an expired driver license wants to register to vote . He or she might be able to register quickly in nia or Florida , but a current government ID might be required prior to registration in Texas or Indiana . The varied registration and voting laws across the United States have long caused controversy . In the math of the Civil War , southern states enacted literacy tests , grandfather clauses , and other requirements intended to disenfranchise Black voters in Alabama , Georgia , and Mississippi . Literacy tests were long and detailed exams on local and national politics , history , and more . They were often administered arbitrarily with

AND POWER 231 more Blacks required to take them than Consider this along with the practice of providing schooling only to White children . Poll taxes required voters to pay a fee to vote . Grandfather clauses exempted individuals from taking literacy tests or paying poll taxes if they or their fathers or grandfathers had been permitted to vote prior to a certain point in time . While the Supreme Court determined that grandfather clauses were in 1915 , states continued to use poll taxes and literacy tests to deter potential voters from States also ignored instances of violence and intimidation against African Americans wanting to register or The of the Amendment in 1964 ended poll taxes , but the passage of the Voting Rights Act ( in 1965 had a more profound effect . The act protected the rights of minority voters by state laws that denied voting rights based on race . The gave the attorney general of the United States authority to order federal examiners to areas with a history of discrimination . These examiners had the power to oversee and monitor voter registration and elections . States found to violate provisions of the were required to get any changes in their election laws approved by the attorney general or by going through the court system . However , in Shelby County Holder ( 2013 ) the Supreme Court , in a decision , threw out the standards and process of the , effectively gutting the landmark This decision effectively pushed and discretion for election policy in states to the state and local level . Several such states subsequently made changes to their voter ID laws and North Carolina changed its plans for how many polling places were available in certain areas . Texas also restricted voting based on photo tion these changes often do not have a neutral effect . In fact , when the Court of Appeals struck down one North Carolina law in 2016 , they found that it targeted African Americans with almost surgical . 2014 ) Campaigns and elections Players and processes ( ed ) United States , 238 347 ( 1915 ) 2014 ) Campaigns and elections Players and processes ( ed ) Shelby County Holder , 570 ( 2013 )

232 AND POWER Fig . The Voting Rights Act ( a ) was signed into law by President Lyndon Johnson ( left ) on August , 1965 , in the presence of of the civil rights movement , including Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King ( center ) The effects of the were visible almost immediately , In Mississippi , only percent of Blacks were to vote in 1965 however , by the fall of 1967 , nearly 60 percent were registered . Alabama experienced similar effects , with African American registration increasing from percent to percent . Voter turnout across these two states similarly increased . Mississippi went from percent turnout to percent , while Alabama increased from percent to percent between the 1964 and 1968 presidential elections Following the implementation of the , many states have sought other methods of increasing voter . Several states make registering to vote relatively easy for citizens who have government documentation . Oregon has few requirements for registering and registers many of its voters automatically . North Dakota has no registration at all . In 2002 , Arizona was the first state to offer online voter registration , which allowed with a driver license to register to vote without any paper application or signature . The system matches the information on the application to information stored at the Department of Motor Vehicles , to ensure each citizen is registering to vote in the right precinct . Citizens without a driver license still need to a paper application . More than eighteen states have moved to online registration or passed laws to begin doing so . The National Conference of State Legislatures estimates , however , that adopting an online voter registration tem can initially cost a state between and . 1992 ) Minority representation and the quest for voting equality . Cambridge University Press , 25 . National Conference of State Legislatures . 2014 , April ) Online voter registration grows in 2014 . The Canvass ,

AND POWER 233 Other states have decided against online registration due to concerns about voter fraud and security . also argue that online registration makes it to ensure that only citizens are registering and that they are registering in the correct precincts . As technology continues to update other areas of state , online registration may become easier and safer . In some areas , citizens have pressured the states and pushed the process along . A bill to move registration online in Florida stalled for over a year in the legislature , based on security concerns . With strong citizen support , however , it was passed and signed in 2015 , despite the nor lingering concerns . In other states , such as Texas , some are concerned about identity fraud , so traditional paper registration has been preferred until the advent of the pandemic , which has renewed interest in voting methods other than . Voting by Mail Oregon was the first state to enact postal voting , or mail in the United States , in 1998 . Voter turnout dramatically increased with this adaptation , and Oregon continues to have one of the highest participation rates in the country . Of course , absentee and early voting has long been available for military families and for individuals by request . As of 2020 , Colorado , Hawaii , Washington , and Utah have all converted to mail elections . The pandemic has raised concerns about people visiting crowded polling places in person during 2020 , and 46 states are loosening restrictions on . To view the voting status of vidual states for the 2020 election , check out to investigate overall voting information , consult this website . Research repeatedly shows that allowing people to vote by mail increases participation . A draft working paper of a Stanford University study found that postal voting in Colorado increased voter participation by ten percent . Notably , turnout amongst groups less likely to vote increased even more 16 percentage points among young people , 13 among , 11 among , and 10 percentage points amongst Americans , workers , those without a high school diploma , and those with less than President Donald Trump has stated that postal voting is vulnerable to fraud , but other Republican makers are divided on the issue , while Democratic lawmakers generally support this effort . Experts , including researchers and political science professors , do not believe that voting by mail is likely to increase fraud . Voting continues to be a state responsibility , which means it varies a great deal . In the November 2020 election , that variance became a point of legal and social debate . Not only did states already have differing processes , but the legislators efforts to ensure that as many people as possible could vote given the social distancing required . Hill , 2020 , May ) voting in Colorado increases turnout and reduces turnout inequality draft working paper . Retrieved September 12 , 2020 , from

234 AND POWER by the pandemic , created greater discrepancies and differences in voting rules . While President Trump and many other individuals questioned the validity of these processes in four states that had close presidential vote counts , the courts and the officials of those states consistently verified the results . Barriers to Voting Although the right to vote is more equitably distributed than in the past , institutional and societal factors still who actually votes . If there were times that you didn vote , what got in the way ?

A busy life might keep you from voting , Socioeconomic Status When voting is limited to one day ( twelve hours in November ) people who have more restrictive work , school , parenting , childcare , or other schedules will have more challenges in getting to the polling location ing the limited time . Workers in jobs with less autonomy ( retail , clerical , and workers ) have less on voting day than those in managerial or professional positions . Transportation can be a factor vehicles provide the most in a busy life . Using shared vehicles , public transportation , bicycles , and walking ( while more cost and energy effective ) all take longer . If you are a working parent faced with choosing between getting food on the table for your two young dren or transporting them , and waiting in line to vote in the election , which do you choose ?

If you need to race home from work so that your partner can use your shared vehicle to get to their evening shift , do you then go take a bus to vote ?

Families with a lower socioeconomic status are more likely to have a combination of these factors that contribute to having less and less time . Families who have more resources in general have more resources related to political activity and are more likely to participate in voting in person . Those who are unemployed are the least likely to vote . People with Disabilities People with disabilities vote at a lower rate than people who do not have disabilities and share other demographic characteristics , as measured by Rutgers University in the Fig . 76 . Families with a lower socioeconomic status face more barriers getting to polling stations .

AND POWER 235 2016 elections Why might that be ?

One factor may be the polling places themselves . The United States Accountability ( GAO ) observed 178 polling places during that same election . They found that 60 of the polling places had some kind of physical impediment between the parking lot and the entry to the buildings . Of the 137 that could be observed inside , 65 had polling stations that could impede someone ing their votes independently ?

Number of Building Path to where Parking building entrance voting area could 28 53 39 35 Impede Voters oi 173 at 173 oi 173 with disabilities ( by zone ) Source GAO analysis of polling place data collected during the 2016 general election Fig . Voters with disabilities often face physical barriers to voting , including inaccessible parking , paths , and entrances . There are efforts underway to improve access to and participation in voting amongst people with disabilities . The American Association of People with Disabilities ( is working in selected states to increase voter registration and turnout . Register , Educate , Vote , Use your Power ) has shown a increase in the voting participation of people with disabilities in states compared with states between 2014 and This is a small increase in a very large sample and it is difficult to say if is the main factor . are interested in work click here . 2017 , Fact sheet Disability and voter turnout in the 2016 elections . Rutgers School of and Labor Relations . Program for Disability Research Publications . Government Accountability . 2017 , November ) Voters with disabilities Observations on polling place accessibility and related federal guidance . 10 . 2019 ) Fact sheet Estimating the effect of the campaign on disability turnout .

236 I AND POWER People Who have been Convicted of Crimes The majority of states in the United States limit people who have been convicted of felonies from voting , at least during the time that they are incarcerated . The exceptions are Maine and Vermont . Variances amongst states include whether rights are lost just while incarcerated , while still serving parole probation or whether rights are restored automatically after release . Oregon is one of sixteen states plus the District of Columbia that automatically restore There are eleven states that have additional restrictions including the payment of fees , and restitution before voting rights are restored . These kinds of restrictions treat families unevenly als who have lower income and no accumulated wealth will be less likely to be able to access their voting rights than will people with wealth and means . In July , 2020 , the Supreme Court of the United States left in place a order that means that hundreds of thousands of people with felonies who owe , fees , and restitution in Florida will be unable to vote in elections . This ruling appears to conflict with a 2018 citizen vote with bipartisan support to amend the constitution and allow felons to vote in Florida . Generally , the trend over the last few decades by states is to restore voting rights to felons once they are released . There are variations state Fig . 78 Bedford NY 13 Cell in use by state as these movements go forward . What is your viewpoint about as of the right to vote and how it overlaps with people who have committed crimes ?

Do you think that people serving time should be able to vote ?

What about those who have rehabilitated or paid a debt to society ?

What about those same people whether they are poor or rich ?

Should socioeconomic status affect the right to vote ?

11 . National Council Legislatures . 2019 , October 14 ) Felon voting rights . 17 , 2020 , from Younger . Less Educated . and In general , voter turnout in the United States is higher during presidential elections which occur every four years . In measurements between 1984 through 2016 , people who are older , and more educated are most likely to vote . Those who are years old vote the most , followed by those aged years , then by those aged years , and with to having the est likelihood of voting with more than double old voting ( 65 ) compared with 31 of to olds voting in the 2018 election . It could be argued that the youngest citizens have the most at stake and could have the greatest impact on the future of the United States AND POWER 237 Fig . 79 . People who are older , and more educated are most likely to vote and yet they are voting less . In your viewpoint , what is behind the numbers that indicate younger , less , and people are voting less ?

Feeling Disenfranchised There are times when people feel so disconnected from the process of democracy and representation that ing seems hopeless , If elected officials repeatedly fail to discuss issues of importance to a person or their family , or if the decision outcomes are consistently inadequate , people may develop apathy toward the voting process . Growing up in a family where the parent ( don vote or who express cynicism or distrust toward and the voting process also impacts children view of the system and participation . As discussed at length in this chapter , there has been a great deal of effort made to limit people of color , the poor , and immigrants from voting in at least some states . It hard to think that you belong and that your vote matters when work against your voting rights .

238 AND POWER in Voting is not an act of political freedom . It is an act of political . Those who refuse to vote are not expressing silence . They are screaming in the politician ear You do not represent me . This is not a process in which my voice matters . I do not believe you . Wendy . In some states , one political party ( Democratic or Republican ) has such a majority position that if you are a member of the other dominant party or of an alternative party , it may not seem worth it to vote . They may feel that their vote doesn make a difference or that the election is not a competitive one . elections Money and Technology Fig . Wendy , a It no secret that there is a lot of money involved in elections in the and writer , speaking in , Illinois , donations to campaigns and unlimited spending . This both favors United States it is one of a handful of countries that allows both the wealthy who can run for office and who can elections via donations from their own pockets and from their connections . It also means that candidates who are pursuing office can never stop fundraising as long as they know that their opponent can raise more money , they must also stay in the race for dollars . We will look at how money impacts both local and national elections . First , consider those elections that don get much media attention . Does your city have an elected council ?

How about your school board ?

Are judges elected or appointed in your area ?

Is there a County Board of ?

Take a minute to think about what you know about how those get those jobs . Are those paid jobs ?

Do they pay enough to support an individual or family ?

Many of them are elected positions , although they are not paid . For example , in , Oregon neither the school board nor the City Council are paid positions . The Benton County Commissioner positions ( of which is a part ) are paid three each make between and in Typically , salaries of public employees are public information and you can it via an internet search on the entity website or in a newspaper report on salary negotiations . We ask these questions for several reasons . First , those affect all of our lives . If you question whether or not a school board member affects your daily life , consider those board members who are now deciding how and if school will be held during the pandemic . Consider the recent national and 12 . Hall , 2019 , August ) No pay hike for commissioners .

AND POWER 239 local debates about what kinds of bathrooms and locker rooms students can access , and who determines which students will use which bathrooms . Many of these local positions are unpaid . If they are not not paid , but require many hours of work each week , consider who is most likely to have the time available for such a tion . School Board Members are expected to devote time to reading policies , citizen input , budget documents , and related research as well as participating in trainings , committee discussions , and formal ings . The time commitment varies from to twenty hours per week and is unpredictable . This time is similar for City Council members remember that both positions are unpaid . Given this context , it is likely that people who have a high enough income or accumulated wealth , a career that allows in work hours , or who are retired will be more likely to be able to afford the time and to dominate these boards . It is important to appreciate these public servants , their volunteer commitment , and their efforts to listen to all of their constituents . It is also important to acknowledge that these ers are more likely to be older , have greater income and wealth , and more education . How do you think this might influence the discussions the groups have and the decisions that they make ?

How would Families from a system that is more representative of the communities served ?

What systemic changes could be made to include voices that more fully represent the population ?

Now let look at the elections that get more attention in the media state and federal elections . While local elections , the big money is in state and Federal competitions . And as a 2014 article on lines , Monev is pretty good predictor of who will win 13 This is not an absolute , but it does happen most of the time the campaign that raises the most money is most likely to win . Since candidates can spend as much of their own money as they want , being rich makes a difference . In the 2014 national election , 94 cent of biggest House race spenders won and 82 percent of biggest Senate race spenders won . While it is not true that the richest candidate always wins ( for example Michael , a candidate for the Presidential Democratic nomination , is exponentially more wealthy with a billion dollar net worth than oe , the winner of the nomination with a million dollar net worth ) It is true that most people who are able to devote the time it takes to run For national office are very wealthy . What does it mean that the that debate and decide national policy are among the most wealthy in the country ?

It is estimated that about half of the members of the Congress and Senate have a net worth of a million ( Remember that wealth is different than income the average salary is year so ing a net worth this high implies accumulated and inherited wealth ) A chart here shows how the wealth is 13 . 2014 , November 11 ) Money is pretty good predictor will win elections . 14 . Alexander , 2019 , August 14 ) The net worth of every 2020 presidential candidate . Forbes . 15 . 2020 , April 23 ) Majority in Congress are millionaires .

240 AND POWER among Senators and Congressional Representatives . It is ironic to have these same lawmakers limiting unemployment and criticizing the lowest income earners in the country during the . Senator Ted Cruz ( Texas ) was quoted on the television show Face the , saying , The problem is , for 68 of people receiving it right now , they are being paid more on unemployment than they made in their job . And I tell you , I ve spoken to small business owners all over the state of Texas who are trying to reopen and they re calling their waiters and waitresses they re calling their busboys , and they won come back . And , of course , they won come back because the federal government is paying them , in some instances , twice as much money to stay home , Fig . People responsible for childcare may experience barriers to voting . Fig . People with inflexible work schedules may have a hard time voting . This is a complex issue and it is important to note that people who are working as servers , child care teachers , grocery store and retail workers are less likely to have accumulated wealth to sustain them , second homes to go to in less populated areas , and are also more at risk due to increased exposure to the virus . To attribute their life motivation to one cause ( an unemployment check ) lacks the understanding of the complicated life circumstances that families are facing .

Fig . The internet has enabled candidates to reach out to anyone who uses social media and the internet . AND POWER 241 Technology and money have become even more tant in elections in the United States in the past decade . the internet has become a very effective tool in fundraising . This has enabled candidates to reach out to anyone who uses social media and the internet via any device phone , laptop or desk computer . Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , both former candidates for the Presidential Democratic nomination , are known for their large campaign funds built entirely on smaller dollar donations . President Donald Trump , the Republican nominee , is also known for his success in this area , but he has not limited his campaign to small donations or events . Large donors have also increased their power , primarily due to the 2010 Supreme Court decision in the case United Federal Election Commission . summarized here . Resulting from this decision , corporations and other organizations such as labor unions are permitted to spend without limits on elections . Because donations and spending are unlimited , there has been a dramatic increase in the spending by Super Political Action ( PACs ) which pool donations from individuals and are not required to report the names of donors . This has led to a dramatic increase in untraceable campaign advertisements and , sometimes called dark or gray money . While it is complicated to track how much money is donated and spent in state and national elections , has attempted to do so since three regional groups joined together in 1999 . If you are in reviewing data about spending or finding links to recent news articles , this site is updated daily . Here is the July 2020 look at the total money spent in the last three national elections . Total to ! St ! Total for Federal Elections , an . IU Fig . Total contributions collected for State and Federal elections as of July 2020 .

242 AND POWER Do Demographics Matter ?

Ask yourself , how do social characteristics that make up social identity matter when it comes to who resents all families in the spaces of this country ?

This is a good time to remind yourself of the Social Identity Wheel from the Introductory Chapter of this text . When we talk about demographics , we are looking at the statistical data related to social identities . 439 Fig . When we talk about demographics , we are looking at the statistical data related to social identities . Let look at some of the demographics that are reported most frequently race and gender . This very short ( under two minutes ) video from compares the demographics of the population in the United States with those of elected officials .

AND POWER 243 One or more interactive elements has been excluded from this version of the text . You can View them online here ?

When the demographics are so skewed , we must ask ourselves whether those who are less represented via social identity are being treated equitably . Not just in the past , but right now . For example , in 1989 , Representative John , gan ) introduced House Resolution 40 to the United States Congress for the first time . The number 40 refers to the promise made that when slavery ended , every freed family would be allotted plots of land no larger than 40 acres , plus a mule . This was reversed by President Andrew Johnson after President Abraham Lincoln was assassinated . 40 , the Commission to Study and Develop Reparation for Act , proposes that a group be formed to study the continuing effects of slavery on living African Americans and society and the ways in which the federal and state governments have participated in discrimination . Representative , who died in 2019 , proposed . 40 a total of 28 times , once per year from 1989 until 2017 . It was proposed again by Representative Sheila Fig . Representative John son Lee with 23 colleagues as in 2019 , and received a , introduced House Resolution 40 , to study the effects of slavery , 28 times . It has that time . There are 140 of this bill , including 15 not been passed committee hearing that June , but has not seen any other action since who have committed between May and July 2020 , during the time that the Black Lives Matter movement has seen increased broad support across the country . Senator Cory Booker is the sponsor of a companion bill in the Senate . Which laws and policies would be moved forward , voted on , and passed if Black people had greater amongst elected ?

What if the system supported the employment of people of a lower status in roles ?

How would this affect the inequality that families experience in the United States ?

Could you imagine how housing , health care , and employment might be different ?

These authors believe that more equitable representation , while not the only needed change , will lead to equitable access to education , health care , housing , food and water . This will all families , regardless of race , or gender . Have more equitable representation among when it comes to nomic status , race , ethnicity , gender , and indeed all social characteristics such as ability , sexuality , religion , and more could lead to different systems and structures so that all families could meet their basic needs .

244 AND POWER There is some progress toward more diverse representation in our elected officials . Pew Research reports that the racial and ethnic diversity of the Congress has grown gradually between 2001 and 2019 . 116 members of the House of Representatives are ( including Black , Islanders and Native Americans ) which is an 84 increase over the Congress When it comes to gender parity , while the number of women who are participating in elected positions is increasing in the United States , it is increasing at a slower level than the rest of the world . While we ranked in the world for elected gender parity in 2000 ( out of 192 countries ) twenty years later we have sunk to in the world as measured by Represent Women research . To use the interactive map below . learn more about their and see how individual states within the United States compare with one another click here . aunts rune man This map IS interactive Scroll over countries to data , Ana ( hard . Fig . While the number of women who are participating in elected positions is increasing in the United States , it is increasing at a slower level than the rest of the world . 16 . 2019 , February ) For the time in a row , the new Congress is the most racially and ethnically diverse ever . Pew Research Center .

AND POWER I 245 Licenses and Open Content , Shared Previously Voter Registration in the United States is from Voter Registration in American Government A by Glen et al . License BY . Adaptations content moved around updated for accuracy . ig is ' in ' in ' in ' in De ' in ' in ' in AI ure . The first page of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 . Public domain . President Lyndon meets with Martin Luther King at the signing of the Voting Rights Act by Yoichi Robert . Public domain . ure . waiting by . License ure . Number of selected polling places where features could impede voters with ies ( by zone by Government Accountability Office . Public domain . ure . Bedford ail Cell by . License ure . Voting 02 by US Department of State . License ure . Wendy speaking in Springfield Illinois 16 September 2006 by ano . License Custom attribution license on . ure I . Base honors child care provider with annual award by Airman Samantha . Public domain . ure 772 . raises for Special Olympics by Chip . Public domain . ure 773 . lol money by . License ure 774 . Charts from National Institute on Money in . License A . ure 776 . United States Representative ohn official photo by US Congress . domain . ure . International Women Representation Dashboard by Represent Women . License to share with credit at bottom of homepage . Open Content , Original . Social identity wheel by Liz Pearce . License BY . I Rights Reserved Content Who Leads Us ?

Women Donor Network . License Terms Standard YouTube license .

246 I OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND WORKING OUTSIDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND ACTIVISM Author Note We ve spent a large portion of this chapter focused on historical and current aspects of the way social processes work in this country the census , voting , representation , the courts and elected officials . We have attempted to uncover some of the flaws , gaps , and structures that lead to unequal representation and treatment of lies . Change within these processes is possible , but sometimes challenging because the existing structures favor some groups and reinforce negative bias and inequality toward others . Working outside of the systems to push for change is an alternative for people whom the systems have marginalized . With the exception of brief introductory paragraphs , this section is drawn from two other openly licensed texts , demonstrating the power of shared resources . Pearce Social Movements A social movement may be as an organized effort by a large number of people to bring about or impede social , political , economic , or cultural change . in this way , social movements might sound similar to groups , and they do have some things in common . But a major difference between social and groups lies in the nature of their actions . groups normally work within the system via conventional political activities such as lobbying and election campaigning . In contrast , social movements often work outside the system by engaging in various kinds of protest , including , picket lines , and sometimes outright violence .

) OUTSIDE OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND 247 . Fig . Social movements are organized efforts by large numbers of people to bring about or impede social change . Often they try to do so by engaging in various kinds of protest , such as the march depicted here . Conceived in this way , the efforts of social movements amount to politics by other means , with these other means made necessary because movements lack the resources and access to the political system that interest groups typically Sociologists identify several types of social movements according to the nature and extent of the change they seek . This typology helps us understand the differences among the many kinds of social movements that existed in the past and continue to exist One of the most common and important types of social movements is the reform movement , which seeks limited , though still , changes in some aspect of a nation political , economic , or social systems . It does not try to overthrow the existing government but rather works to improve conditions within the existing regime . Some of the most important social movements in history have been reform movements . These include the abolitionist movement preceding the Civil War , the women suffrage movement that followed the . A . 1990 ) The strategy protest ( Snow , A . 2010 ) A primer on social movements . Norton .

248 i OUTSiDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCiAL MOVEMENTS AND ACTiViSM Civil War , the labor movement , the Southern civil rights movement , the Vietnam era antiwar movement , the contemporary women movement , the gay rights movement , and the environmental movement . A revolutionary movement goes one large step further than a reform movement in seeking to overthrow the existing government and to bring about a new one and even a new way of life . Revolutionary movements were common in the past and were responsible for dramatic changes in Russia , China , and several other nations . Reform and revolutionary movements are often referred to as political movements because the changes they seek are political in nature . Another type of political movement is the reactionary movement , so named because it tries to block social change or to reverse social changes that have already been achieved . The movement is a example of a reactionary movement , as it arose after the Supreme Court legalized most abortions in Roe Wade ( 1973 ) and seeks to limit or eliminate the legality of abortion . In Focus Feminism and While many social movements deserve attention , we would like to focus here on one social movement that emphasizes a key theme of this text our multiple social identities and . Women are 51 of the population in the United States and have advocated for over 100 years for equality . The essay that follows is an excerpt from the text to , Gender , and authored by Kang , Donovan , and Laura at the University of Massachusetts , I am very grateful to be able to use this analysis to illustrate the importance of and the It illustrates the complexity working toward equity while focused on one social characteristic ( in this case , being female ) How does this social movement navigate the intersections of race , ethnicity , parenthood , employee status , and sexuality ?

By studying the movement over time , we can see the multiple dimensions , weaknesses , and strengths of communities for change . Introduction Feminist Movements History is also everybody talking at once , multiple rhythms being played simultaneously . The events and people we write about did not occur in isolation but in dialogue with a myriad of other people and events . In fact , at any given moment millions of people are all talking at once . As historians we try to isolate one conversation and . US Census . 2020 , April 29 ) Age and sex composition in the United States 2019 table . Retrieved August , 2020 , from

) iNG OUTSiDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND ACTiViSM I 249 to explore it , but the trick is then how to put that conversation in a context which makes evident its dialogue with so many to make this one Lyric stand alone and at the same time be in connection with all the other Lyrics being sung . Brown , What has happened here , Feminist historian Elsa Brown reminds us that social movements and identities are not separate from each other , as we often imagine they are in contemporary society . She argues that we must have a understanding of social movements and identities within and between social standing of the ways in which privilege and oppression are linked and how the stories of people of color and feminists for justice have been historically linked through overlapping and sometimes conflicting social movements . In this chapter , we use a relational lens to discuss and make sense of feminist movements , ning in the Century up to the present time . Although we use the terms wave , second wave , and third wave , characterizing feminist resistance in these waves is problematic , as it distinct waves of activism as prioritizing distinct issues in each time period , obscuring histories of feminist organizing in and around issues not discussed in the dominant waves narratives . Indeed , these waves are not ally exclusive or totally separate from each other . In fact , they inform each other , not only in the way that contemporary feminist work has in many ways been made possible by earlier feminist activism , but also in the way that contemporary feminist activism informs the way we think of past feminist activism and . Nonetheless , understanding that the wave language has historical meaning , we use it throughout this tion . although a focus on prominent leaders and events can obscure the many people and actions involved in everyday resistance and community organizing , we focus on the most well known , political events , and social movements , understanding that doing so advances one particular lens of history . Additionally , feminist movements have generated , made possible , and nurtured feminist theories and academic knowledge . In this way , feminist movements are fantastic examples of is , they use critical about the world to change it . It is because of various social activism , workers activism , and civil rights activism throughout the , and feminist tory is a viable of study today . Feminist history is part of a larger historical project that draws on the of traditionally ignored and groups ( factory workers , immigrants , people of color , lesbians ) to and challenge the histories that have been traditionally written from the experiences and points of view of the powerful ( representatives of the state , the wealthy ) histories we learn in high school textbooks . Century Feminist Movements What has come to be called the wave of the feminist movement began in the mid century and lasted until the passage of the Amendment in 1920 , which gave women the right to vote . White

i ) iNG OUTSIDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND wave feminists in the century to early century , such as suffragist leaders Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan Anthony , primarily focused on women suffrage ( the right to vote ) striking down coverture laws , and gaining access to education and employment . These goals are famously enshrined in the Seneca Falls of Sentiments , which is the resulting document of the first women rights convention in the United States in 1848 . Fig . White , feminists fought for the right to vote , own property , and access education and employment . Demanding women enfranchisement , the abolition of coverture , and access to employment and education were quite radical demands at the time . These demands confronted the ideology of the cult of true , summarized in four key , purity , submission and held that White women were rightfully and naturally located in the private sphere of the household and not fit for public , ical participation or labor in the waged economy . However , this emphasis on confronting the ideology of the cult of true womanhood was shaped by the White standpoint of the leaders of the movement . As we discussed in Chapter , the cult of true womanhood was an ideology of White womanhood that

WORKING OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND 251 denied Black and women access to the category of women , because and Black women , by necessity , had to labor outside of the home . The White leadership of the first wave movement shaped the priorities of the movement , often excluding the concerns and participation of women and women of color . For example , Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan Anthony formed the National Women Suffrage Association ( in order to break from other who supported the passage of the Amendment , which would give African American men the right to vote before women . Stanton and Anthony privileged White women rights instead of creating across race and class groups . Accordingly , they saw women suffrage as the central goal of the women rights movement . For example , in the first issue of her newspaper , The , Susan Anthony wrote , We shall show that the ballot will secure for woman equal place and equal wages in the world of work that it will open to her the schools , colleges , professions , and all the opportunities and advantages of life that in her hand it will be a moral power to stay the tide of crime and misery on every Meanwhile , women and women of color knew that mere access to voting did not overturn class and race inequalities . As feminist activist and scholar Angela Davis writes , women were seldom moved by the promise that the vote would permit them to become equal to their exploited , suffering Furthermore , the largest suffrage organization , the National American Woman Suffrage ( descendent of the National Women Suffrage the participation of Black women in its organization . Although the first wave movement was largely defined and led by middle class White women , there was overlap between it and the abolitionist sought to end the racial tice movement following the end of the Civil War . Historian Nancy argues that , in some ways , both movements were largely about having and control over one body . For enslaved people , that meant the freedom from lifelong , unpaid , forced labor , as well as freedom from the sexual assault that many enslaved Black women suffered from their masters . For married White women , it meant recognition as people in the face of the law and the ability to refuse their husbands sexual advances . White abolitionists often made analogies between slavery and marriage , as abolitionist Antoinette Brown wrote in 1853 that , The wife owes service and labor to her husband as much and as absolutely as the slave does to his This analogy between marriage and slavery had historical resonance at the time , but it problematically conflated the . As quoted in Davis , A . 1981 ) Working women , Black women and the history ofthe suffrage movement , in and ( A Introduction to Women Studies ( Publishing Company , 73 . Davis , A . 1981 ) Working women , Black women and the history ofthe suffrage movement , in and ( A Introduction to Women Studies ( 7378 ) Publishing , 2000 ) Public vows A History of marriage and the nation . Harvard University Press . As quoted in , 2000 ) Public vows A History and the nation . Harvard University Press , 64 .

252 I WORKING OUTSIDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND unique experience of the oppression of slavery that African American women faced with a very type of oppression that White women faced under coverture . This illustrates quite well Angela Davis argument that while White women abolitionists and feminists of the time made important contributions to campaigns , they often failed to understand the uniqueness and severity of enslaved women lives and the complex system of chattel slavery . Black activists , writers , newspaper publishers , and academics moved between the racial justice and feminist movements , arguing for inclusion in the first wave feminist movement and condemning slavery Crow laws that maintained racial segregation . Sojourner Truth famous Ain I a Woman ?

speech , which has been attributed to the Women Convention in 1851 , captured this contentious linkage between the first wave women movement and the abolitionist movement well . In her speech , she critiqued the exclusion of Black women from the women movement while simultaneously condemning the injustices of slavery That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages , and lifted over ditches , and to have the best place everywhere . Nobody ever helps me into carriages , or over , or gives me any best place ! And ain I a woman ?

Look at me ! Look at my arm ! I have ploughed and planted , and gathered into barns , and no man could head me ! I have borne thirteen children , and seen most all sold off to slavery , and when I cried out with my mother grief , none but Jesus heard me ! And ain I a woman ?

Feminist historian Nell Painter ?

has questioned the validity of this representation of the speech , arguing that White dramatically changed its content and title . This illustrates that certain social actors with power can construct the story and possibly misrepresent actors with less power and social movements . Davis , A . 1983 ) Women , race , class . Random House . Painter , 1996 ) Sojourner Truth A life , a symbol . Norton .

WORKING OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND 253 Despite their , Black women emerged as passionate and powerful leaders . Ida . Wells , a particularly activist who participated in the movement for women suffrage , was a ing member of the National Association of the Advancement of People ( a journalist , and the author of numerous pamphlets and articles exposing the violent lynching of thousands of African Americans in the Reconstruction period ( the period following the Civil War ) Wells argued that lynching in the Reconstruction Period was a systematic attempt to maintain racial inequality , despite the passage of the Amendment in 1868 ( which held that African Americans were citizens and could not be discriminated against based on their race ) Additionally , thousands of African American women were members of the National Association of Colored Women Fig 720 lda Wells was Clubs , which was , but did not receive recognition from founding member of the the predominantly , White National American Woman and a journalist who exposed the . of thousands of African Suffrage Association ( Americans The passage of the Amendment in 1920 provided a test for the argument that the granting of women right to vote would give them unfettered access to the institutions they had been denied from , as well as equality with men . Quite plainly , this argument was proven wrong , as had been the case with the passage of the Amendment followed by a period of backlash . The formal legal endorsement of the doctrine of separate but equal with son in 1896 , the complex of Jim Crow laws in states across the country , and the unchecked violence of the Ku Klux Klan , prevented Black women and men from access to voting , education , employment , and public ties . While equal rights existed in the abstract realm of the law under the and amendments , the reality of continued racial and gender inequality was quite different . Early to Late Century Feminist Movements Social movements are not static entities they change according to movement gains or losses , and these gains or losses are often quite dependent on the political and social they take place within . Following women suffrage in 1920 , feminist activists channeled their energy into institutionalized legal and political channels for effecting changes in labor laws and attacking discrimination against women in the workplace . The Women federal agency created to craft policy according to women workers established in 1920 , and the , the American Association of University Women ( and the National Federation of 10 . Wells , 1893 ) Lynch law . IV

254 OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND Business and Professional Women ( lobbied government to pass legislation that would legally prohibit discrimination against women in the workplace . These organizations , however , did not necessarily agree on what equality looked like and how that would be achieved . For example , the supported the Equal Rights Amendment ( ERA ) which they argued would effectively end employment discrimination against women . Meanwhile , the Women Bureau and the opposed the ERA , arguing that it would damage the gains that organized labor had made already . The agreement clearly brought into relief the competing agendas of working women first and foremost as women ( who are also workers ) versus working women and foremost as workers ( who are also women ) Nearly a century after suffrage , the ERA has yet to be passed , and debate about its desirability even within the feminist movement continues . While millions of women were already working in the United States at the beginning of World War II , labor shortages during World War II allowed millions of women to move into factory jobs that had previously been occupied by men . Simultaneously , nearly African American men fought in gated units in World War II , often being sent on the front guard of the most dangerous Japanese Americans whose families were interned also fought in the segregated units that had the war highest casualty Following the end of the war , both the women who had worked in jobs in factories and the African American men who had fought in the war returned to a society that was still deeply segregated , and they were expected to return to their previous subordinate positions . Despite the conservative political climate of the 19503 , civil rights organizers began to challenge both the de jure segregation of Jim Crow laws and the de facto segregation experienced by African Americans on a daily basis . The landmark Brown Board of cation ruling of 1954 , which made separate but equal educational facilities illegal , provided an essential legal basis for activism against the institutionalized racism of im Crow laws . Eventually , the Black Freedom ment , also known now as the civil rights movement , would fundamentally change US society and inspire the second wave feminist movement and the radical political movements of the New Left ( gay liberationism , Black nationalism , socialist and anarchist activism , the environmentalist movement ) in the late . 11 . 2003 ) A people history ofthe United States . 12 . Odo , 2017 ) How a segregated regiment ofjapanese Americans became one of most decorated . New 13 . 2001 ) Double victory A multicultural history ofAmerica in World War II . Back Bay Books .

iNG OUTSiDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND ACTiViSM I 255 Although the stories and lives of the leaders of the civil rights movement are centered in popular representations , this grassroots mass movement was composed of working class African American men and women , White and African American students , and clergy that utilized the tactics of direct action ( ins , marches , and vigils ) to demand full legal equality for African Americans in US society . For example , Rosa for refusing to give up her seat at the front of a Montgomery bus to a White passenger in December , 1955 and beginning the Bus not acting as an isolated , frustrated woman when she refused to give up her seat at the front of the bus ( as the typical narrative goes ) According to feminist historians Ellen and Lynn nil , Parks had been active in the local for fifteen years , Fig . Rosa Pari decision to stand and her decision to make this stand against segregation was part of up to segregation was part of a lifelong commitment to racial justice . a lifelong commitment to racial justice . For some time leaders had wanted to a good test case to challenge bus segregation in Furthermore , the bus boycott that ensued after Parks arrest and lasted for 381 days , until its success , was an organized political action involving both African American and White women activists . The Black women who relied on public transportation to go to their jobs as domestic servants in White households refused to use the bus system , and either walked to work or relied on rides to work from a carpool organized by women activists . Furthermore , the Women Political cus of Montgomery distributed promoting the boycott and had provided the groundwork and planning to execute the boycott before it began . Additionally , the movement was sparked by the , when four African American dents in , North Carolina , sat at and refused to leave a segregated lunch counter at a store in February of 1960 . The number of students participating in the increased as the days and weeks went on , and the began to receive national media attention . Networks of student activists began sharing the successes of the tactic of the nonviolent , and began doing in their own cities and towns around the country throughout the early . 14 . 2005 ) Through women eyes An American history with documents . Martin Press , 576 .

256 WORKING OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND Fig . Ella Baker initiated the Student Coordinating Committee . Importantly , the movement led to the formation of the Student Coordinating Committee ( initiated by Ella Baker shortly after the first strikes in . The student activists of took part in the Freedom Rides of 1961 , with African American and White men and women pants , and sought to challenge the Jim Crow laws of the south , which the Interstate Commerce Commission had ruled to be unconstitutional . The freedom riders experienced brutal mob violence in Birmingham and were jailed , but the Congress of Racial Equality ( CORE ) and kept sending riders to fill the jails of . also participated in Freedom Summer in 1964 , which was a campaign that brought mostly White students from the north down to the south to support the work of Black southern civil rights activists for voting rights for African Americans . Once again , Freedom Summer activists faced mob violence , but in bringing national attention to southern states in terms of allowing African Americans the legal rights they had won through activism and grassroots organizing .

WORKING OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND 257 Fig . Bull Connor , head of Birmingham police , made a pact with the Klan that the police would stay away from Birmingham bus terminal minutes after the Freedom Riders arrived , enough time to severely beat James Peck , and others , into the hospital . This picture was reclaimed from a local journalist who also was beaten and whose camera was smashed . structure gave women chances to participate in the civil rights movement in ways previously blocked to them . However , the deeply embedded sexism of the surrounding culture still seeped into civil rights organizations , including . Although women played pivotal roles as organizers and activists throughout the civil rights movement , men occupied the majority of formal leadership roles in the Christian Leadership Council ( the , and CORE . Working with , Black women activists such as Lou and Diane Nash became noted activists and leaders within the civil rights movement in the early . Despite this , women within were often expected to do women work ( ie , housework and secretarial work ) White women activists Casey Hayden and Mary King critiqued this reproduction of roles within the movement and called for dialogue about sexism within the civil rights movement in a memo that circulated through in 1965 , titled Sex and Caste A Kind of The memo became an influential document for the birth of the second wave feminist movement , a movement

258 I WORKING OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND focused generally on patriarchal structures of power , and on combating occupational sex segregation in employment and for reproductive rights for women . However , this was not the only source of second wave feminism , and White women were not the only women spearheading feminist . As historian Becky argues , in the mid and late , Latina women , African American women , and Asian American women were developing multiracial feminist organizations that would become important players within the second wave feminist movement . In many ways , the second wave feminist movement was and facilitated by the activist tools by the civil rights movement . Drawing on the stories of women who participated in the civil rights movement , historians Ellen and Lynn argue that women participation in the civil rights movement allowed them to challenge gender norms that held that women belonged in the private sphere , and not in politics or activism . Not only did many women who were involved in the civil rights movement become activists in the second wave feminist movement , they also employed tactics that the civil rights movement had used , including marches and direct action . Additionally , the Civil Rights Act of major legal victory for the civil rights only prohibited employment discrimination based on race , but Title of the Act also prohibited sex discrimination . When the Equal Employment Opportunity mission ( federal agency created to enforce Title ignored women complaints of employment discrimination , 15 women and one man organized to form the National Organization of Women ( NOW ) which was modeled after the . NOW focused its attention and organizing on passage of the Equal Rights Amendment ( ERA ) sex discrimination in education , and defending Roe Supreme Court decision of 1973 that struck down state laws that prohibited abortion within the three months of pregnancy . 15 . Thompson , 2002 ) Multiracial feminism Recasting the chronology wave feminism , Feminist Studies 28 ( 16 . 2005 ) Through women eyes An American history with documents . Martin Press .

iNG OUTSiDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND ACTiViSM I 259 Although the second wave feminist movement inequalities and brought women issues to the forefront of national politics in the late and , the movement also reproduced race and sex inequalities . Black women writers and activists such as Alice Walker , bell hooks , and Patricia Hill Collins Black feminist thought as a critique of the ways in which second wave feminists often ignored racism and class oppression and how they uniquely impact women and men of color and people . One of the formal Black feminist organizations was the hee River Collective , formed in 1974 . Black feminist bell Fig . 724 . Black feminist bell hooks argues that you cant sexism without racism , classism , and homophobia . hooks argued that feminism can not just be a to make women equal with men , because such a does not acknowledge that all men are not equal in a capitalist , racist , and homophobic society . Thus , hooks and other Black feminists argued that sexism can not be separated from racism , classism and homophobia , and that these systems of domination overlap and reinforce each other . Therefore , she argued , you can not sexism without racism , classism , and homophobia . Importantly , Black feminism argues that an intersectional perspective that makes visible and critiques multiple sources of oppression and inequality also inspires activism that brings people together across race , class , gender , and sexual identity lines . Third Wave and Queer Feminist Movements We are living in a world for which old forms of activism are not enough and today activism is about creating between Davis , cited by Hernandez and in Colonize This ! Third wave feminism is , in many ways , a hybrid creature . It is by second wave feminism , Black , transnational , Global South , and queer feminism . This hybridity of third wave activism comes directly out of the experiences of feminists in the late and early centuries who have grown up in a world that supposedly does not need social movements because equal rights for racial minorities , sexual minorities , and women have been guaranteed by law in most countries . The gap between law and the abstract proclamations of states and concrete lived , reveals the necessity of both old and new forms of activism . In a country where women are paid only 81 of what men hooks , 1984 ) Feminist theory From margin to center ( South End Press .

260 I WORKING OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND are paid for the same labor , where police violence in Black communities occurs at much higher rates than in other communities , where 58 of transgender people surveyed experienced mistreatment from police in the past year , where 40 of homeless youth organizations clientele are gay , lesbian , bisexual , or where people of less income and have considerably lower amounts of wealth than White people , and where the military is the most funded institution by the government , feminists have increasingly realized that a coalitional politics that organizes with other groups based on their shared ( but ) experiences of oppression , rather than their identity , is absolutely necessary . Thus , Leslie wood and Jennifer Drake argue that a crucial goal for the third wave is the development of modes of thinking that can come to terms with the multiple , constantly shifting bases of oppression in relation to the multiple , axes of identity , and the creation of a coalitional politics based on these 18 . Bureau Statistics . 2019 , November ) Highlights ofwomen earnings in 19 . ames , Herman , Ana , 2016 ) The report ofthe 2015 gender survey . National Center for Transgender Equality . 20 . Gates , 2012 ) Sewing Our youth Findings from a national survey providers working with lesbian , gay , bisexual , and transgender youth who are homeless or at risk of becoming homeless . The Williams Institute with True Colors Fund and The Palette Fund . 21 . and . Drake . 1997 ) Third wave agenda Being feminist , doing feminism . University Press ,

) OUTSIDE OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND 261 Fig . The ACT UP ( AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power ) began organizing to press an unwilling US government and medical establishment to develop affordable drugs for people with . In the and , third wave feminists took up activism in a number of forms . Beginning in the mid , the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power ( ACT UP ) began organizing to press an unwilling US ment and medical establishment to develop affordable drugs for people with . In the latter part of the , a more radical subset of individuals began to articulate a queer politics , explicitly reclaiming a derogatory term often used against gay men and lesbians , and distancing themselves from the gay and lesbian rights movement , which they felt mainly reflected the interests of White , gay men and lesbians . As discussed at the beginning of this text , queer also described . The queer turn sought to develop more radical political perspectives and more inclusive sexual cultures and communities , which aimed to welcome and support transgender and gender people and people of color . This was motivated by an intersectional critique of the existing hierarchies within sexual liberation movements ,

262 ) OUTSIDE OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND which marginalized individuals within already sexually marginalized groups . In this vein , Lisa coined the term , which describes the normalization and of gay men and lesbians through their assimilation into capitalist economic systems and who were previously constructed as These individuals thus gained entrance into social life at the expense and continued of queers who were , disabled , trans , single or , or . Critiques of were also critiques of gay identity politics , which left out of many gay individuals who were marginalized within gay groups . Akin to , coined the term , which describes the White nationalism taken up by queers , which sustains racist and xenophobic discourses by constructing immigrants , especially Muslims , as Identity politics refers to organizing politically around the experiences and needs of people who share a particular . The move from political association with others who share a particular identity to political association with those who have differing identities , but share similar , but differing experiences of oppression ( coalitional politics ) can be said to be a characteristic of the third wave . 22 . 2002 ) The new The sexual politics . In Nelson ( Materializing democracy ( Duke University Press . 23 . 2007 ) Terrorist in queer times . Duke University Press .

iNG OUTSIDE OF THE SYSTEM SOCiAL MOVEMENTS AND ACTiViSM 263 Another characteristic of the third wave is the development of new tactics to politicize feminist issues and demands . For instance , ACT UP began to use powerful street theater that brought the death and ing of people with to the streets and to the politicians and companies that did not seem to care that thousands and thousands of people were dying . They staged , massive , and occupied politicians and pharmaceutical executives . Their confrontational tactics would be emulated and picked up by globalization activists and the radical Left throughout the and early . Queer Nation was formed in 1990 by ACT UP activists , and used the tactics developed by ACT UP in order to challenge homophobic and in mainstream US society . Around the same time as ACT UP was beginning to organize in the , feminism came into currency among feminist Fig 726 on the activists and theorists . Amidst what is known now as the Feminist Sex lawn of Closed the demonstration as ranks of uniformed officers , some on within a culture that values consent between partners , would horseback protected Wars of the , feminists argued that sexual liberation , liberate not only women , but also men . Drawing from a social The Storm . the demonstration on perspective , feminists such as cultural anthropologist May 21 1990 Gayle Rubin argued that no sexual act has an inherent meaning , and that not all sex , or all representations of sex , were inherently degrading to women . In fact , they argued , sexual tics and sexual liberation are key sites of struggle for White women , women of color , gay men , lesbians , queers , and transgender of people who have historically been stigmatized for their sexual identities or sexual practices . Therefore , a key aspect of queer and feminist is to create spaces and communities that not only valorize that are often stigmatized in the broader culture , but also place sexual consent at the center of spaces and communities . Part of this project of creating , feminist and queer spaces is creating media messaging that attempts to both consolidate feminist communities and create knowledge from and for oppressed groups . In a generation , it is not surprising that cultural production is a main avenue of activism taken by contemporary activists , Although some commentators have deemed the third wave to be or not feminist because it often does not utilize the activist forms ( marches , vigils , and policy change ) 25 . of the second wave movement , the creation of alternative forms of culture in the face of a massive corporate 24 . Rubin , 1984 ) Thinking sex Notes for a radical theory of the politics of sexuality . In Vance , Ed ) Pleasure and danger . 25 . Sommers , 1994 ) Who stole feminism ?

How women have betrayed women .

264 I OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND media industry can be understood as quite political . For example , the Riot movement , based in the Northwest of the US in the early , consisted of bands predominantly composed of women , the creation of independent record labels , feminist , and art . Their lyrics often addressed sexual violence , sexual liberationism , gender , police brutality , and war . Feminist news websites and magazines have also become important sources of feminist analysis on current events and issues . Magazines such as Bitch and , as well as online blog such as and the Feminist Wire function as alternative sources of feminist knowledge production . If we consider the creation of lives on our own terms and the struggle for autonomy as fundamental feminist acts of resistance , then creating alternative culture on our own terms should be considered a feminist act of resistance as well . As we have mentioned earlier , feminist activism and theorizing by people outside the US context has the feminist for analysis and action . In a world characterized by global capitalism , immigration , and a history of colonialism that has still has effects today , transnational feminism is a body of theory and activism that highlights the connections between sexism , racism , classism , and imperialism . In Under Western Eyes , an article by transnational feminist theorist Chandra , the way in which much feminist activism and theory has been created from a White , North can standpoint that has often world women or ignored the needs and political situations of women in the Global South . Transnational feminists argue that Western feminist projects to save women in another region do not actually liberate these women , since this approach constructs the women as passive victims devoid of agency to save themselves . These saving projects are especially problematic when they are accompanied by Western military intervention . For instance , in the war on Afghanistan , begun shortly after in 2001 , military leaders and George Bush often claimed to be waging the war to save Afghani women from their patriarchal and domineering men . This crucially ignores the role of the the US in supporting Islamic fundamentalist regimes in the 19803 . Furthermore , it positions women in Afghanistan as passive victims in need of Western a way strikingly similar to the victimizing rhetoric often used to talk about victims of violence ( discussed in an earlier section ) Therefore , transnational feminists challenge the by many feminists in the any area of the world is inherently more patriarchal or sexist than the West because of its culture or religion through arguing that we need to understand how Western imperialism , global capitalism , militarism , sexism , and racism have created conditions of inequality for women around the world . In conclusion , third wave feminism is a vibrant mix of differing activist and theoretical traditions . Third wave feminism insistence on grappling with multiple , as well as its persistent refusal to be pinned down as representing just one group of people or one perspective , may be its greatest strong point . to how queer activists and theorists have insisted that queer is and should be and never set to 26 . 1991 ) Under western eyes Feminist scholarship and colonial discourses . In , Russo , Torres ( Third world women and the politics of feminism . Indiana University Press

OF THE SYSTEM MOVEMENTS AND 265 mean one thing , third wave feminism complexity , nuance , and adaptability become assets in a world marked by rapidly shifting political situations . The third wave insistence on coalitional politics as an alternative to politics is a crucial project in a world that is marked by , multiple , overlapping inequalities . This unit has developed a relational analysis of feminist social movements , from the wave to the third wave , while understanding the limitations of categorizing resistance efforts within an work of three distinct With such a relational lens , we are better situated to understand how the tactics and activities of one social movement can others . This lens also facilitates an understanding of how , and classed and privileges lead to the splintering of social movements and social movement organizations . This type of intersectional analysis is at the heart not only of feminist activism but of feminist scholarship . The vibrancy and longevity of feminist movements might even be attributed to this sectional , the critique of race , class , and gender dynamics in feminist movements . The emphasis on coalitional politics and making connections between several movements is another crucial contribution of feminist activism and scholarship . In the century , feminist movements confront an array of structures of power global capitalism , the prison system , war , racism , and , among ers . What kind of world do we wish to create and live in ?

What alliances and will be necessary to challenge these structures of power ?

How do feminists , queers , people of color , trans people , disabled people , and people go about challenging these structures of power ?

These are among some of the that feminist activists are grappling with now , and their actions point toward a deepening commitment to an intersectional politics of social justice and praxis . Licenses and Open Content , Shared Previously Social movements is adapted from Understanding Social Movements in Sociology by . License . Adaptations Edited for brevity and clarity . Introduction Feminist movements is from Historical and Contemporary Feminist Social Movements in Introduction to Women Gender Studies by Kang , Donovan , Laura , Sonny . License BY 40 . Figure . Clampdown We are the 99 by Glenn . License . Figure . Votes for Women sellers 1908 by Library . Public domain . Figure . Ida . Wells by Mary Garrity . Public domain . Figure . Photograph of Rosa Parks with Martin Luther King . by . Public domain .

266 OF THE SYSTEM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND Figure . Ella Baker by The Ella Baker Center for Human Rights . License BY 30 Figure . Freedom Riders attacked by Tommy Langston , Birmingham . domain . Figure . bel hooks by . Public domain . Figure 725 . AC UP Demonstration at by History Office . Public domain . Figure 726 . AC UP Demonstration on the lawn of Building by History Office . Public domain .

LOOKING AHEAD I 267 LOOKING AHEAD Elizabeth Pearce People who have experienced in this country continue to work to raise their families , to ensure their children have better lives , and to work toward equity . While there are a multitude of individual , and grass roots efforts that work both outside and inside the representative system , we have looked most closely at the analysis of the feminist movement and the ways it intersects with other needs and activism . The United States has been focused on the Black Lives Matter social movement more fully in 2020 than ever before . Black people have been actively seeking change for hundreds of years . The year 2020 saw increased activity both amongst Black people and among individuals who are not Black . Nationally , there is increased understanding of the discrimination and bias that Black people continue to experience . This is a time of enlightenment and understanding , and rapid change . The authors encourage readers to continue to stand how past and current practices affect the experiences of Black and families . One aspect of the current Black Lives Matter movement is the increased involvement of people from other races and ethnicities . Called allies , people who do not have a Black or person of color identity , who work to support and advocate for equity , come to this position through a variety of experiences and observations . Often it is an interaction with a close friend or family member who experiences racism that impacts allies . But others may not have close experience with people of color . Listening to stories , whether through music , the news , novels , or podcasts , is critical to understanding someone else lived experience . In this podcast , you can hear about one ally , a young Korean American , who surprised himself by speaking up . 2020 07 20 892974604 is critical to changing systems of bias , dissemination , and the corresponding privilege that other groups experience . The focus of the story should continue to be Black individuals who have experienced ing systemic harm to their families . They have continued to advocate for understanding of their experience , representation , belonging , and an equal opportunity to participate in society and institutions . You have likely heard of Martin Luther King I Have Dream speech delivered in Washington , on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial on August 28 , 1963 . Maybe you have heard these famous lines , I say to you today , my friends applause , so even though We face the difficulties of today and tomorrow ( huh ) I still have a dream . Yes ) It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream . Yes ) I have a dream ( that one day ( Yes ) this nation Will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed ( Hah ) We hold these truths to be , that all men are created ( Yeah , Hear hear ) applause I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia ( Yes , Talk ) the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table . I have a dream ( Yes ) applause that one day even the state of Mississippi , a state sweltering with the heat of

268 LOOKING AHEAD injustice ( Yeah ) sweltering with the heat of oppression ( will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice . I have a dream ( Yeah ) applause that my Four little children ( Well ) will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character . My Lord ) I have a dream today . enthusiastic applause You can read the full text here at the King Institute website . You can watch the whole speech here , with subtitles ( although there are occasional places where the audio has been lost ) One or more interactive elements has been excluded from this version of the text . You can View them online here ?

It worth reading and listening to , and reflecting on your viewpoint about whether and how the country has progressed and changed since this speech in 1963 . Even as we reflect , we must keep in mind our own social identities . This author , a White person , has not experienced the negative effects of racialization in fact I have from it , even when I didn realize it . So , reflect . And a part of that reflection must be the willingness to hear the experience and viewpoint of those whose social identities put them most at risk for structural and individualized discrimination . Fig . Former Senator Kamala Harris was elected Vice President in the 2020 election . here are many Black leaders who are changing the way hat representation is expressed and experienced . Darrell ) Wallace , a successful National Bubba ( Darrell ) Called tion for Stock Car Auto Racing ( NASCAR ) driver NASCAR to ban displays of the Confederate made headlines by calling on the

LOOKING AHEAD 269 tion to ban the display of Confederate . Within 48 hours , the were banned , and he had his race car painted with a Black Lives Matter theme . This famous athlete used his personal combined with the ongoing social movement and the current national focus to address a longtime problematic symbol of sion . The Black Lives Matter movement has a website and if vou ve heard the media characterize what Black Lives Matter means read here . For example , you ve probably heard something about the Before assuming what that means to this movement , take the time to read about it . Senator Kamala Harris , a woman of Black and South Asian ( Indian ) ancestry was elected Vice President in the national 2020 election . Her nomination and election highlights her education and work accomplishments as well as the importance of representation at the national level . The election of one Black leader does not solve the inequities that many people of color experience , but it is one step along the way . We have looked closely at several ways that representation affects families in the United States . As you your education in this class , and in the future , pay attention to the ways in which you see representation making a difference , and the potential for changes in representation . Licenses and Open Content , Shared Previously Figure . darrell wallace by Zach Photo . License BY . Figure . At the 2019 Iowa Democrats Hall of Fame Celebration in Cedar Rapids Iowa on Sunday . une by . License SA 20 . All Rights Reserved Content Martin Luther King I Have a Dream Full SPEECH with English Subtitles ( English . License Terms Standard YouTube license .