Community Resilience to Climate Change Theory, Research Section V Future Directions

SECTION FUTURE DIRECTIONS Critiques novel Practical directions Resilience justice 194 Future Directions At this point , you have read a variety of articles on resilience in general , and urban resilience to climate change in particular . You have perhaps developed an idea of how to characterize it , identify it , study it , and plan for it , based on past and current work in the field . You have likely also noticed some discrepancies between scholars and practitioners competing themes and goals and critiques of the resilience concept , all of which are shaping future directions in resilience studies and practice . Critiques Limitations Despite its popularity among planners , and some theorists , the notion of resilience is not above criticism . Many scholars and practitioners particularly those with an interest in social justice have noted that resilience goals too often prioritize an economic , ecological , or status quo . If social systems are taken into account at all , the emphasis tends toward maintaining an existing regime , rather than improving it on surviving ratherthan thriving , in other words . More radical thinkers argue that the ultimate goal should not be about maintaining , but about transforming institutions . This is a call to address social justice issues as a key component of broader resilience , including such issues as social vulnerability , demographic inequity , and quality of life . While this mentality is gaining ground in academic circles , the practical reality of achieving transformation may be quite a challenge . However , practitioners can champion incremental changes from within , and urban climate plans increasingly make reference to equity and justice as critical components of a resilient city see for example 35 . Only fairly recently have researchers come to appreciate the unstable nature of systems . While planning for resilience has typically been about stability , mitigating risk and avoiding change , we are now somewhat more comfortable with the notion that change is inevitable . This has led to a gradual shift in resilience thinking away from rigidity , toward adaptation the idea that we must be flexible and willing to adjust our practices , cities , and attitudes as needed . Again , this is easier said than done , but progressive cities have already begun putting this idea into practice , and adaptability will be a key metric of future climate resilience . In this same vein , there is an apparent need for research and planning methods to acknowledge and account for the uncertainty inherent to climate change . Models and forecasts tell us what we might expect and plan for based on past trends , but future planning efforts are encouraged to explore alternative avenues for data gathering . In this section , you will be presented with several articles on future directions for researchers and planning practitioners progressive approaches to framing and pursuing resilience and case studies which illustrate intersections of resilience and . Moving forward , it will be important for you to understand that resilience how it is defined , framed , and applied is a concept laden with power and . Often the concept is wielded to maintain a status quo , achieve hegemonic goals , and exclude marginalized populations though it mayjust as readily be used in service of environmental justice , equity , and social transformation in the future . Literature Cited . Hart , Cameron , Rathbone , Heaver , 2016 ) Uniting resilience research and practice with an inequalities approach . SAGE Open , 215824401668247 . Cartwright , Chu , Harris , 2017 ) Inserting rights and justice into urban resilience a focus on everyday risk . Environment and Urbanization , 29 ( City of Portland , Climate Action Plan . 2015 . Retrieved from . City of Boston , Climate Action Plan . 2019 . Retrieved from . New York City , Plan . 2017 . Retrieved from . Hill , 2016 ) Climate change Implications for the assumptions , goals and methods environmental planning . Urban Planning , 103 . 195

READINGS INCLUDED Open access articles Full text included Hill , 2016 ) Climate change Implications for the assumptions , goals and methods of urban environmental planning . Urban Planning , Hart , Cameron , Rathbone , Heaver , 2016 ) Uniting resilience research and practice with an inequalities approach . SAGE Open , 215824401668247 . Hughes , 2013 ) Justice in urban climate change adaptation Criteria and application to Delhi . Ecology and Society , 18 ( 48 . 2014 ) Social justice and adaptation in the UK . Ecology and Society , 19 ( 190139 ALTERNATIVE SELECTIONS Full text not included May be accessible through your university library or elsewhere , 2016 ) Can resilience be redeemed ?

Resilience as a metaphor for change , not against change . City , 20 ( 2015 ) Resilience and justice Debates and developments . International Journal of Urban and Regional Research , 39 ( Cartwright , Chu , Harris , 2017 ) Inserting rights and justice into urban resilience a focus on everyday risk . Environment and Urbanization , 29 ( 196

STUDENT EXERCISES To be completed after assigned reading ( Reflect on the relationship between RESILIENCE and JUSTICE . Come to class prepared to discuss your perspectives based on the week readings . You may consider The relationship between racial equity , social justice , and climate resilience The relationship between general resilience and resilience Which social , political or economic systems limit opportunities for resilience We suggest that students be given the opportunity to read each other Iv responses prior to class . This will alleviate the students to each other what they have written , and leave more class timefor deeper , exploratory discussions . FOR INSTRUCTORS CLASSROOM ACTIVITIES ( Identify some of the pervasive social , political or economic systems that limit opportunities for resilience , increase vulnerability , produce an uneven distribution of risk , or breed environmental injustice . These may be introduced by the instructor , or drawn from students written exercises . Discussion prompt As a planner working within existing institutional constraints , what actions could you take to overcome some of the negative or inequitable outcomes associated with these systems ?

Now , try to think more . What drastic changes would propose to address environmental injustice ?

You may make suggestions that seem radical or unrealistic , but use resilience theory to support your position . 197 Climate Change Implications for the Assumptions , Goals and Methods of Urban Environmental Planning by Hill This article was originally published in Urban Planning , 2016 . Imp This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution International ( BY ) license ABSTRACT As a result of increasing awareness of the implications of global climate change , shifts are becoming necessary and apparent in the assumptions , concepts , goals and methods of urban environmental planning . This review will present the argument that these changes represent a genuine paradigm shift in urban environmental planning . Reflection and action to develop this paradigm shift is critical now and in the next decades , because environmental planning for cities will only become more urgent as we enter a new climate period . The concepts , methods and assumptions that urban environmental planners have relied on in previous decades to protect people , ecosystems and physical structures are inadequate if they do not explicitly account for a rapidly changing regional climate context , specifically from a hydrological and ecological perspective . The concept of spatial suitability that guided planning in most of the century has already given way to concepts that address sustainability , recognizing the importance of temporality . Quite rapidly , the concept of sustainability has been replaced in many planning by the priority of establishing resilience in the face of extreme disturbance events . Now even this concept of resilience is being incorporated into a novel concept of urban planning as a process of adaptation to permanent , incremental environmental changes . This adaptation concept recognizes the necessity for continued resilience to extreme events , while acknowledging that permanent changes are also occurring as a result of trends that have a clear direction over time , such as rising sea levels . Similarly , the methods of urban environmental planning have relied on statistical data about hydrological and ecological systems that will not adequately describe these systems under a new climate regime . These methods are beginning to be replaced by methods that make use of early warning systems for regime shifts , and quantitative models of regional system behavior that may soon be used to determine acceptable land uses . Finally , the philosophical assumptions that underlie urban environmental planning are changing to address new epistemological , ontological and ethical assumptions that support new methods and goals . The inability to use the past as a guide to the future , new of values for adaptation , and renewed efforts to focus on justice are provided as examples . In order to represent a genuine paradigm shift , this review argues that changes must begin to be evident across the underlying assumptions , conceptual , and methods of urban environmental planning , and be attributable to the same root cause . The examples presented here represent the early stages ofa change in the overall paradigm of the discipline . Keywords climate change ecological planning planning theory sea level rise urban environments . INTRODUCTION Anthropogenic climate change is already causing measurable effects in regional and local environments ( Boon Mitchell , 2015 Pollard , 2016 , 2015 , Cane , 2015 ) There is increasing evidence that these changes are forcing urban environmental planners to gradually alter their epistemological assumptions , conceptual , goals , and methods . A paradigm shift in an applied discipline such as planning involves precisely these types of changes , in everything from philosophical assumptions to applied methods . This paper will use examples to argue that the phenomenon of entering a new climate era is producing a paradigm shift in urban environmental planning . However , like climate change itself , this shift is still in its early stages . In this review , I argue that the goals and concepts , methods , and philosophical underpinnings of urban environmental planning are beginning to shift . A broad literature of examples is available , many ofwhich have emerged from the demands of current practice rather than from a theoretical position . An emerging literature proposes new and methods for urban planning generally to respond to the implications of climate change ( Marvin , 2009 , 2015 Stone , 2012 ) Like these authors , I contend that the implications of climate change require us to shift some of the fundamental assumptions of planning . However , while they address more general planning practices , I will focus specifically on theories and plans that address the biophysical conditions of the city and its region . I intend for this review to serve as an original contribution by categorizing and synthesizing emerging patterns in theory and practice . Its focus on examples from North American cases and literature in urban environmental planning allows my claim of an emerging paradigm shift to remain grounded in a network of academics and practitioners who are aware of and influenced by each others work . Throughout , I will argue that a coherent paradigm shift can only be said to exist if changes are occurring simultaneously in the key assumptions , conceptual , and methods of a discipline , and that these changes must be driven by the same root 198

. URBAN ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING AND BIODIVERSITY THE . CONTEXT My observations of a paradigm shift in environmental planning are rooted in novel planning efforts over the last fifteen years that were intended to protect biodiversity from urbanization , as well as planning efforts that originate in a desire to establish resilience to flooding events , adapt to permanent trends such as rising sea levels . For that reason , it is important to briefly note two key Federal laws , the expansion and enforcement of which led urban environmental planning to change under different conditions and with different timing than in Europe and Asia . Since the late , urban environmental planning in western North America has paid increasing attention to biodiversity ( Thomas , 2003 ) Like South America , Australia , India and Africa , western North America was industrialized relatively late , developing cities in the modern sense only after 1850 ( 2004 ) Large wild animals with strong cultural associations continue to exist within many urban just in rural areas . Cities across the North American west include small but visible populations of mountain lions ( Puma concolor ) black bears ( Ursus ) bald eagles ( and Chinook salmon ( among other species ( 2000 ) The US Endangered Species Act ( ESA ) of 1973 was initially focused on conserving populations of species , rather than on maintaining a network of protected habitats , as in the European Union 2000 legislation ( 2004 ) Large animals with extensive ranges often pass through urban and suburban areas during migrations or in search of resources , and the US Endangered Species Act protects these species even from the indirect effects of urbanization , such as pollution in runoff . For these reasons , urban environmental planning in the United States , particularly the western , has been challenged to plan and design urban areas to accommodate large wildlife species whose populations are in decline , such as the Chinook salmon ( Tanner , White , 2005 ) which was listed as threatened under Federal law in the Puget Sound region of Washington State in 1999 ( National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration , 1999 ) Similarly , the Clean Water Act of 1972 now strictly regulates pollution loads in urban runoff that originate in dispersed , sources such as motorized vehicle traffic ( Craig , 2005 ) Cities must not exceed established maximum loads , or they face penalties . This extension of the Clean Water Act to set standards for urban runoff prompted widespread experimentation with based methods for detaining runoff and filtering pollutants , significantly expanding the technical role of urban environmental planners . Together , these two Federal laws led to significant changes in urban infrastructure design and urban environmental planning since the , particularly in regions that discharge urban runoff to ecosystems with high biodiversity , such as the Puget Sound in the Pacific Northwest ( Feist , Arnold , Davis , 2011 et , 2005 ) and the Chesapeake Bay in the region . It would be impossible to describe the recent trend towards a paradigm shift in North American urban environmental planning without noting these regulations . The efforts of urban planners to optimize the pattern and performance of cities to support aquatic habitat and higher levels of water quality are important points of origin for the paradigm shifts we confront today in relation to climate change ( Ward , Anderson , Pess , Ford , 2015 ) In the first section of this paper , I will present changes in the conceptual of urban environmental planning as a result of extreme weather events and climate trends . The second section of this paper will contain a review of key methods that are changing as a result of the same phenomena . The third and final section will suggest changes that are beginning to occur in the philosophical assumptions that underlie urban environmental planning , which I argue is the final component necessary to identify a coherent paradigm shift . CHANGING CONCEPTS FROM SUITABILITY TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT TO RESILIENCE TO ADAPTATION Over the last thirty years , the stated goals and associated conceptual of urban environmental planning in the have changed , and these changes have occurred with increasing speed . Before the , the dominant framework was driven by the search for , defined as a good match between the physical characteristics of a location and its land use , or the type of design that is used ( Hills , 1971 , 1969 , 1990 ) Since that time , the broad goal of urban environmental planning has shifted to an effort to manage sustainable development ( World Commission on Environment and Development , 1987 ) which recognized that there are limits to development that involve temporal patterns of resource use and availability , as well as spatial patterns . More recently , the goal of many cities and regions has been to achieve resilience , or , an ability to recover quickly from disasters such as earthquakes , hurricanes , river flooding , fires , and terrorist attacks ( Waters , 2015 ) Barely a decade old , the concept of resilience to temporary events has already begun to be subsumed under the need to engage in permanent adaptation to climate trends . The concept of adaptation refers to reducing the vulnerability of an area to permanent , incremental trends such as higher sea levels , reduced regional rainfall or snowfall , new geographic patterns of disease transmission as a result of warming winters , and extended heat with the secondary and tertiary effects of these trends on urban regions ( Hill , 2015 ) These changes in the and concepts of planning represent underlying changes in our understanding of the complexity of 199

interrelated environmental patterns in space and time . They also represent shifts in the goals and for planning . Ian lectures and writing in the the need to restrict negative human impacts on the environment ( see his lecture titled , Man , Planetary Disease , 1971 ) In contrast , the the potential for human cities and expanding resource uses to be successfully integrated into the natural systems of the planet ( World Commission on Environment and Development , 1987 ) Shortly after , symposia were held that recognized global climate trends as a challenge to sustainable resource use , although optimism was still high that global climate change could be avoided through careful planning ( Malone , 1989 ) Since the late , the concept of sustainable development has been used widely in urban environmental planning ( Wheeler , 2011 ) In North America , it has often been applied by adopting the goal of sustaining processes ( particularly hydrological flow regimes and species movement patterns ) and the biodiversity that is characteristic of a geographic region ( et , 2016 ) This overall goal of sustaining processes and biodiversity led to the development of a set of concepts and methods within the patchwork of local and infrastructure authorities that limit the scope of urban planning . Together , the goal itself and the concepts and methods associated with it might be called the sustainable development conceptual framework in American urban environmental planning . As it developed in the , sustainable development relied on the ability of planners and ecologists to describe historical ecological relationships , inferred from soil patterns and other markers of past processes , and track the effects of contemporary resource uses on the health of those historical relationships ( 1991 Rapport et , 1998 ) Similarly , the concept of a native species in North America relies on a determination that a species has been present in a region of years , and implies an assumption of relative stability in species ( 2010 ) The concept of native is fundamentally historical and ignores the scientific knowledge that species have moved as climates have changed throughout the . The concept does consider whether or not a species is well suited to a particular region as its climate changes . This makes the central concept of native species vulnerable to becoming completely outdated in the next few decades ( Baker , 2013 , 2013 ) points out limitations in the way that the concept of sustainable development has been applied in urban environments , because of its conceptual dependency on the idea of sustaining processes ( Hobbs et , 2014 Palmer , 201 ) The concepts of a reference condition and a native species both need significant , along with the assumption that the scale of processes that underlie both biodiversity patterns and cultural landscapes , such as hydrologic flows , will continue to resemble the patterns of the last years ( et , 2011 ) To the the concept of sustainable development in North American urban regions became synonymous with the goals of sustaining native species and hydrologic processes , the concept is not robust in an era of rapid climate change . The newer term that has already replaced sustainable development as a goal and framework in North American cities , particularly coastal cities , is ( Lee , 2016 ) This goal refers to the ability of a system to recover its functions quickly after a major disturbance . The very frequent use of this term in the last decade reflects a heightened awareness of the potential for extreme weather to produce destructive events in North American cities . Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans ( 2005 ) and Sandy in the New York region ( 2012 ) were important events that drove the adoption of resilience as the goal of these coastal cities ( 2015 ) In New Orleans , a series of workshops sponsored by the Dutch Embassy brought Dutch engineers and urban planners to the , working alongside American planners and engineers ( Meyer , 2010 ) These workshops eventually led to the development of a new water management strategy for the New Orleans region ( and Ball Architects , 2013 ) which emphasizes strategies for managing runoff from an extreme rainfall event . In New York , federal agencies sponsored a competition called Rebuild by Design that emphasized strategies for that region to recover from the types of storm surges and extreme rainfall related to large hurricane events ( Hurricane Sandy Rebuilding Task Force , 2013 ) was used frequently to describe the desired capacity to recover more quickly from a disastrous event . Yet it is important to note that the shift in goals and framework from sustainable development to occurred because of a focus on disastrous single events , not on the incremental trends ( such as higher sea levels ) that are expected as a result of climate change ( Shi , Chu , 2015 ) Initially , the use of the term resilience could be seen as an extension of the sustainable development framework , because it marks planners recognition that sustaining cities requires that those cities must be prepared for major disaster hurricanes to terrorist attacks . But as media news sources , academics and professional planners in some regions of the United States have converged on a general level of acceptance that climate change is happening , the term has frequently been replaced by the term resilience as public agencies present their planning goals . This represents a significant shift , and often implies an unstated recognition that some of the land and infrastructure cities administer today may not be sustained into the future ( Wang , Tang , Wang , 2011 ) The poignancy of this reality is palpable in urban neighborhoods that are unlikely to ever fully recover from an extreme storm , such as the still largely Lower Ninth Ward of New Orleans ( 2007 ) Even more recently , a framework is emerging that recognizes the goal of incremental , permanent environmental change in urban planning . This became evident in 2009 , when one of the leading public agencies of the San Francisco Bay area sponsored a design competition called Rising Tides ( King , 2009 ) In this competition , the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission ( called for urban and environmental planning strategies to address the permanent sea level rise associated with climate change . 200

The competition was followed by a planning program that is working to identify needs for adaptation in public infrastructure , called Adapting to Rising Tides ( The concept of using adaptation to adjust to permanent changes while building in resilience to extreme events is now embedded in planning conversations in the San Francisco Bay Area . In other parts of the , political affiliation seems to affect the perceived need for adaptation in addition to resilience ( de , 2016 ) Terms like recurrent flooding are used instead of referring to adaptation to sea level rise in regions where climate change is not an acknowledged phenomenon ( 2012 ) But this is a special case of language being limited by regional politics , not by the knowledge or goals of the planning discipline . urban environmental planning changes in terminology for goals and conceptual frames are more than just semantic . The change from sustainability to resilience to adaptability reflects changes in the underlying goals of urban environmental planning , driven by a growing comprehension of the types of significant changes cities are experiencing . Pursuing the goal of resilience operates as a kind of between the paradigms of sustainability and adaptation , since resilience to extreme events will be needed in the future as much as it is needed today . In that sense , the change in conceptual frames is really a change from the sustainability framework to the adaptation framework , while retaining the goal of resilience ( meaning , the ability to recovery quickly from a disaster event ) into the new climate future . CHANGES IN METHODS FOR URBAN ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING a paradigm shift is indeed occurring in urban environmental planning in response to our awareness of global climate change , this shift should be evident in the methods of planning as well as in its goals and conceptual . In fact , some methods are changing . his is evident in several areas of planning work , from physical and social vulnerability assessments to typological design methods and methods of sizing systems for flood protection . This section will present examples of these methodological changes . he first area of methods that are changing might be referred to broadly as vulnerability assessments ( Klein , 2006 ) Many communities in the United States are engaged in what is currently a somewhat chaotic effort to define the appropriate scope and analytical methods for vulnerability studies ( et , 2015 ) sometimes assisted by guidance from state and ( see for example , California Coastal Commission , 2015 ) These may be studies of vulnerability to physical phenomena such as sea level rise and freshwater flooding , earthquake liquefaction , fire , or drought , as well as new public health hazards or social inequality drivers . such as exposure , risk , vulnerability , and hazard are not standardized , nor are the that should be used in order for the assessments to reflect future conditions . Generally , only primary exposures are studied , which excludes the study of secondary network such as traffic congestion caused by fire or flooding effects on roadways ( Lee , 2012 ) Potential changes in ecological conditions that might be considered tertiary exposures are also rarely considered in vulnerability plans , such as warmful algal blooms driven by nutrient inputs and warming temperatures that affect the use and value of coastal property , along with health ( et , 2014 ) twere are new questions about the methods that are appropriate for assessing social vulnerability in vulnerability plans . The index social vulnerability was developed in relation to events , not permanent adaptation processes ( Cutter , Shirley , 2003 ) This index includes variables such as income , family size , languages spoken , and race , which have been correlated with vulnerability in emergency events in the US southeast . But the current need is for methods that will allow us to predict the ability of different ac proposals to increase social equity , rather than maintain the status quo . The term vulnerable itself is becoming contested in new ways , as communities that are relatively wealthy but physically vulnerable use the term to justify new funding that could help them adapt to changes such as sea level rise ( see for example the vulnerability study for affluent coastal communities that serve as vacation rental properties most of each year , in Marin , County Community Development Agency , 2015 ) The category of changing methods is the statistical methods that are deeply embedded in the epistemological assumptions of environmental planning and risk management , such as calculating the statistical recurrence interval of rainfall , flood or fire events . These methods rely on the concept of , which assumes that variability in natural systems occurs within a consistent envelope or range of va over long periods of time . As one author in the recent method debates has noted , In view of the magnitude and ubiquity of the change apparently now under way , however , we assert that is dead and should no longer serve as a central , in risk planning . Finding a suitable successor is crucial for human adaptation to changing climate , Milly et , 2008 ) While there is currently an active debate about what methods can be used to compensate for climate change , it is clear that methods will need to change , particularly as the statistical signal of climate change becomes stronger ( Milly , 2015 , 201 Stroup , 201 ) is dead , the loss of its associated methodological assumptions represents a very significant shift from past methods in urban environmental planning as well as ecosystem management , water resources and civil engineering . The third area of change is in the development of early warning New methods are emerging that attempt to track the statistical dynamics of system behavior in order to identify and eventually to predict abrupt changes in state . Some researchers are looking for regime shifts using calculations as an analytical tool with large , tracking the range of variability in those data over time , among other variables ( Carpenter , van Nes , 2011 ) These new methods are 201

being used to forecast changes in the ecosystem or status of conditions in lakes , wetlands , housing markets , and human biomedical assays associated with epileptic seizures . difficulty is in identifying the right variables to track , according to some authors ( Pace , Carpenter , Cole , 201 ) The intention of these new methods is to allow managers and planners to make adjustments in systems before they shift to a state , as in a lake that becomes eutrophic or filled with toxic algae , or a tidal wetland that collapses to a because of repeated storm surge events . One of the most interesting theoretical observations that has come out of these new methods with respect to urban environmental is the observation that habitat connectivity may be less desirable in a changing climate ( et , 2012 ) Redundancy may preserve more biodiversity under conditions of stress than connectivity . This research on regime shifts is in early stages as it relates to urban planning , but it is likely to generate a suite of new methods associated with the adaptation framework in planning . Fourth , there is also a need for generative methods that he planners identify appropriate spatial strategies for coastal protection and urban district design . It seems likely that new will be needed that serve to organize the range of possible physical strategies ( Hill , 2011 , 2015 ) These can allow planners to assess current conditions and gain new insights about the spatial variability of vulnerability and change . For example , it is likely that pairings of urban district types with shoreline types will be needed , such as pairing floodable urban districts with wetland and systems , rather than selecting a shoreline strategy independently . can also help to assess whether suitable strategies are being overlooked , perhaps unintentionally ( Hill , 2015 ) Finally , the use of an adaptation conceptual framework in urban environmental planning is prompting new uses of regional process models . Whether planners are using mode of change in wetland response or sediment erosion , or more complex models of hydrodynamics and flooding ( Barnard , 2013 Stacey , 2011 ) the change is in how the models are used . In a sustainability framework , the models would be used to optimize spatial configurations . In an adaptation framework , they are more likely to be used iteratively to gain successive of what adaptations are likely to work well or cause problems . For example , the US Geological Survey has developed a hydrodynamic model of the San Francisco Bay that allows planners to estimate tidal flooding depths at different locations around the shoreline ( Barnard , 2015 ) Early studies using similar models have shown that in some parts of the San Francisco Bay , building walls on shorelines as an adaptation measure will increase the depth of flooding in nearby areas ( Stacey , 2011 ) In only a few years , planners will be able to insert proposals for coastal adaptation into the model and predict whether those adaptation projects will make another property owner situation worse . They could use that information to alter the design and it , or to allow or deny a permit . As adaptation changes occur , they will have to be recorded in the physical descriptions within the model so that new predictions would continue to reflect current conditions . CHANGES IN PHILOSOPHICAL ASSUMPTIONS EPISTEMOLOGY , ONTOLOGY , AND ETHICS IN ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING One of the key assumptions that underlies urban environmental planning is an epistemological assumption that the processes and patterns of the past can serve as a guide to the future . We have been able to know what is good and therefore in need of conservation by comparing our present conditions to the conditions of the past ( 2012 ) The past has been , in a philosophical sense , a source of authority for environmental planning ( 1984 , 2002 ) We have treated the relatively new practices of industrial agriculture and urbanization as destabilizing forces which must be countered by planning . The goal was to retain and protect elements of an earlier landscape . Our assumption has been that biodiversity , ecosystems , air and water quality , and human health can all be protected most effectively if we retain the framework of a landscape mosaic ( Forman , 1997 Forman , 1986 Marsh , 1991 ) In an effort to define and mimic a stable set of fundamental processes within urban regions , urban environmental planners have tended to represent the past as relatively stable . Yet studies from the 19605 demonstrated that American plants and animals experienced dramatic changes in range as a result of the last glaciation of North America , and that they returned individualistically to their current in the associations we have seen them occupy in over the last hundred years and more ( 1970 ) In spite of that evidence , most environmental planners still tend to think and speak of these plant and animal communities as if they have been stable , and can be maintained as stable units of ecosystems . Given certain temporal scale assumptions , this was reasonable . But given current predictions for rapid climatic change , it is now necessary to let go of this epistemological assumption that the past should be our primary source of authority on how to prioritize the components of present and the future ecosystems ( Davis Shaw , 2001 ) Presumably , it should be replaced with a heavier reliance on predictive models that represent the dynamics of systems , in spite of their uncertainties . The second philosophical issue raised by global climate change is ontological , or related to how we conceptualize our larger world and its interactions . Scholars and planners have come to recognize that local regions are deeply affected by global trade and financial investment patterns ( Harvey , 2000 , 2014 ) but nevertheless , professional planners are often put in the position of working as if are coherent regions with development trajectories independent of global systems . This is an ontological assumption in the sense that policy makers and citizens may think the degree to which we live in system can be reduced , using new laws , policies physical border walls ( Porter , 2016 ) But in fact , we live in an unprecedented situation of simultaneous environmental and economic changes that continue to occur and produce cascading effects on a global scale . A third philosophical issue involves the ethical assumptions that influence environmental planning . It has been accepted as reasonable 202

in the United States for each generation to conserve some land from development , and pass this legacy on to future generations as a form of inheritance a legacy of natural resources that are represented by the proxy of geographic space ( see for example , the dedication of a very large marine reserve by President Obama off the coastline of the US State of i in September of 2016 Davis , 2016 ) This act of reserving large areas of land has been the primary way in which American environmental planners fulfill their perceived obligations to future generations . For example , a renowned American biologist has recently called to set aside half of the earth to sustain biodiversity ( Wilson , 2016 ) Other forms of contemporary resource use , such as fossil fuel use , have received less attention in an context because the assumption is that technology will change and allow future humans to use other energy sources ( 2015 ) But climate change is forcing new , uncomfortable reflections on the scale and cost burden of the structural adaptation projects current generations should assume ( 2009 , 2016 ) Should the generations that enjoyed the use of fossil fuels invest more of their resources to prepare for the future dynamics of flooding , drought , and fire that are the consequences of their unrestricted use of fuels ?

In other words , should we build big adaptation projects now , before the seas rise much more rapidly , or should we defer that cost to future generations who will do it when it is needed ( 2010 ) Most planners , scientists and who reflect on the onset of an era focus on defining the threshold at which that new era has begun or will begin ( 2016 Waters et , 2016 ) But from an ethical reasoning perspective , we could also interpret our current era as the last few stable decades of an year period ( the ) What is an ethically appropriate use of the last few decades of a long , stable period ?

Should we continue to optimize our investments to a , adaptation pathway in the near future ( Reeder Ranger , 2011 ) or are we ethically bound to do all we can for future generations , given that they will bear most of the costs of our past use of cheap fossil fuels ( 2010 ) Seen in that light , the transition to the creates an urgent need to reevaluate the goals of urban environmental planning projects , even if the effects of trends such as sea level rise may not be acute until after 2050 . As a result , awide range of new ethical questions are starting to be asked during discussions of appropriate goals and methods of planning for the ( Graham , 2010 ) In summary , my argument in this section has been that three key philosophical assumptions are changing that underlie urban environmental planning the epistemological assumption that the past is the key to knowledge about the future , the ontological assumption that regions can choose to become more independent from global systems and the ethical assumption that we can defer the costs of urban adaptation to a changed climate to future generations . CONCLUSIONS The examples presented here provide evidence that pressures are mounting to drive a genuine shift in the concepts , methods and underlying assumptions of urban environmental planning in the United States , and more broadly in North America . Table summarizes the examples presented under each category of praxis . This summary demonstrates that a series of changes have occurred in the concepts and goals of environmental planning over the last 30 years . My argument is that it is the rapid turnover from sustainability to resilience to adaptation during the last 25 years , coupled with changes in methods and philosophical assumptions , which provides the evidence for a genuine paradigm shift . Perhaps the greatest change as a result of climate trends is occurring in the rationale for urban environmental planning itself . The need to make strategic plans immediately to guide the interactions of communities with their the context of ethical arguments , contested financial investments , and predicted environmental more urgent than ever . If we accept the scientific evidence that we are currently enjoying the last stable decades of an year period , years from now we can expect to be in a state of perpetually responding to extreme conditions . Urban environmental planning has never been more urgently needed as a strategic planning approach , anticipating future change , rather than as a effort to protect resources from development . We urgently need to expand and strengthen the concepts , methods and assumptions of urban environmental planning to incorporate predictions of rapid , permanent environmental change and prepare cities for the immediate future . 203

Table . Summary of a paradigm how is our encounter with climate change beginning to change planning ?

A Paradigm Shift involves changes to Philosophical Assumptions do we know what sources of knowledge will be sufficient , given our uncertainty about the magnitude and complexity of future change ?

we are coping with the loss of the past as a guide to what is good or sufficient . can we conceive of our new relationships ?

What is local and global , when simultaneous changes in global processes are expressed locally , and local changes impact regional dynamics ?

We need to the of local and regional choices , in both environmental and economic . much should we do now , and for ?

Methods was to put things in the right place , given historical conditions . was to keep what we have , while carbon emissions . is to recover more quickly and with fewer losses after disaster events . we ca sustain some things in a new world ( native species example ) then the new goal is to accept new forms for cities and new characteristics of ecosystems that are adapted to new conditions , that are resilient to extreme events , and that reduce carbon emissions . Vulnerability to determine how to do this , when there are so many variables and processes , many changing simultaneously uncertainties and scale interactions ) Also problematic to do them in a way that particularly vulnerable communities , in an unequal social context ( ethics ) End of can no longer rely on statistical methods of the past . We need new ways of estimating sufficiency in plans , particularly regarding acceptable levels of risk . Early need to anticipate regime shifts . New statistical methods and interpretations seem to be emerging but are still unreliable . Building Urban ca use traditional types in trad locations , and markets seem unlikely to supply the solution quickly . Typological approaches to search solution spaces may be most useful now . Managing Complex need to model and predict new regional dynamics , not just rely on patterns of the past . For coastal areas , new methods are available for quantitative regional models to support the regulatory process , but using them will also change that regulatory process . 204

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Uniting Resilience Research and Practice With an Inequalities Approach by Angie Hart , Emily , Josh Cameron , Kay , Anne Rathbone , Becky Heaver This article was originally published in SAGE Open , This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution ( BY ) license ABSTRACT The concept of resilience has evolved , from an characteristic to ecological notion that takes into account broader interactions , generating an increased interest in health and research , practice and policy . At the same time , the research and attempts to build resilience are increasingly under attack for individuals and maintaining , rather than challenging , the inequitable structure of society . When adversities faced by children and young people result from embedded inequality and social disadvantage , knowledge has the potential to influence the wider adversity context . Therefore , it is vital that of resilience encompass this potential for marginalized people to challenge and transform aspects of their adversity , without holding them responsible for the barriers they face . This article outlines and provides examples from an approach that we are taking in our research and practice , which we have called resilience . We argue that it is possible to bring resilience research and practice together with a social justice approach , giving equal and simultaneous attention to individuals and to the wider system . To achieve this goal , we suggest future research should have a and inclusive research design that overcomes the dilemma of agency and responsibility , contains a socially transformative element , and has the potential to empower children , young people , and families . Keywords resilience research , resilience practice , adversity , inequalities , social justice , resilience INTRODUCTION In this article , we explore definitions and criticisms of the concept of resilience within government policy , social justice perspectives , and the resilience research literature that are said to shape the field today . We then introduce our own approach and describe how , our community of practice and social enterprise , supports the development of resilience research and practice that includes a strong inequalities dimension ( This includes conducting academic research that advocates for people facing embedded societal inequalities , and is more focused on challenging inequitable policy agendas engaging in research containing socially transformative rather than solely personally transformative elements facilitating supported agency , and identifying and responses to adversities ( these may be addressing societal inequalities but may more realistically include tackling prejudice , discrimination , stigma , and stereotyping ) and encouraging the research community to be open to and prepared to undertake research with groups that are perceived to be more challenging to work with , and so are underrepresented in the literature , but whose voices are equally or more important as a result . We outline some examples and steps that we are taking toward our goal of consolidating resilience research and practice with a social justice approach in the support of children , young people , and families . Resilience Research Initially spurred by observation of children who performed unexpectedly well in unfavorable circumstances , the first wave of resilience research sought to identify correlates of resilience with a focus on the unique qualities possessed by the person or child ( 2007 ) With resilience perceived as purely internal it is the individual who becomes tasked with compensating for their disadvantaged circumstances . The second wave of research was interested in associations between correlates of resilience . Identification of risk and protective factors as and mediators of desirable outcomes expanded from the micro level of the individual to incorporate structures such as the family , school , and local community . The disadvantaged child is , from this perspective , no longer left wholly responsible for their outcomes . In addition to their own attributes , caregivers , schools , neighborhoods , and other community organizations are all seen to play a part in influencing children resilience . Putting the findings of the first two waves into practice , the third wave of research focused on developing and testing interventions . By improve outcomes , valuable learning around effectiveness and the role of context brought to attention both the dynamic nature of resilience processes , and the importance of culture in defining meaningful outcomes ( 2001 ) Applying what is defined as a positive outcome within mainstream to disadvantaged and marginalized groups may be inappropriate , and may lead to further exclusion . A focus on wider context and culture encourages a more systemic understanding of resilience in which the individual and his or her environment interact to produce , and construct , outcomes . 209

Presently , the fourth wave is said to be in ascendance , as the discoveries of the first three waves become assimilated with more sophisticated methods of investigation to develop a richer understanding of the multilevel , and dynamic nature of resilience ( 2015 ) Using ( 1977 ) human ecology theory , an ecological understanding of resilience places both the individual and the adversity within a dynamic multilevel context , where the impact of higher level factors ( social , economic , cultural ) on factors proximal to children is emphasized ( Graham , 2009 ) Resilience itself is not a unified concept , and along history of controversy means that there is little consensus on its precise meaning . The only feature common to most definitions used by academic authors ( see Table ) is that resilience assumes adversity and is relative to it ( Bush , 2013 ) Exactly how resilience relates to adversity is in a variety of ways , including helping people and communities adapt to adversity , interact with it , or transform aspects of it . A further complication is that the understanding of resilience and how it relates to adversity also depend upon the nature of adversity ( whether defined explicitly or implicitly ) which may or may not be related to social disadvantage . Table . of Resilience in Resilience Literature . Authors ol resilience and ( 2005 . skills . attributes . and abilities that enable individuals to adapt to hardships . difficulties and 238 ) challenges . Connor and ( 2003 . personal qualities that enables one to in die face ol adversity . 76 ) and Hammond . capacity of children and adolescents to adapt successfully in die face ol high stress or ( 965 ) adversarial conditions . Edwards ( 2007 , 256 ) Hart , and Thomas ( 2007 , Hart . et al . 20 I ) Lee and ( I ) and ( I ) 40 ) and Becker ( 543 ) 494 ) Best , and ( 426 ) and Powell ( 2003 . and ( Rutter ( 335 ) 225 ) and Bullock ( 2296 ) capacity for adaptation along appropriate developmental pathways , despite disruptions such as family breakdowns . people with persistently lew assets and resources . and major vulnerabilities . have better outcomes than we might expect given their circumstances . and in comparison to what we know happens with other children in . overcoming adversity . whilst also potentially changing , or even dramatically transforming , aspects of ) that adversity . capacity ol individuals to cope successfully with change , adversity or risk . stability or quick recovery ( or even growth ) under adverse conditions . exchanges that are mutually for the individual and his or her setting . Resilience involves mutually reciprocally relations between a person and his or her context . dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of adversity . capacity of a dynamic system to withstand and recover from challenges that threaten its stability , viability . or development . process of , capacity for , or outcome of successful adaptation despite challenging or threatening circumstances . patterns of positive adaptation in the context of risk or adversity . emergent property of a hierarchically organised set of protective systems that cumulatively buffer the effects of adversity and can therefore rarely . if ever . be regarded as an intrinsic property of individuals . reduced vulnerability to environmental risk experiences , the overcoming of a stress or adversity . or a relatively good outcome despite risk experiences . resilience is both the capacity of individuals to navigate their way to the psychological , social . cultural . and physical resources that sustain their . and capacity individually and collectively to negotiate or these resources to be provided and experienced in culturally meaningful ways . achieving positive outcomes despite challenging or threatening circumstances , coping successfully with traumatic experiences . and avoiding negative paths linked with risks . As shown in Table , there are 17 subtly distinct of resilience that we have counted in use by academic authors . Only three of these definitions include any potential to alter aspects of the wider adversity context , which are those of Hart , and Heaver ( 2013 ) 2006 ) and ( 2008 ) For instance , the notions of navigating and negotiating hold the potential to have some influence over the availability of resources for others ( 2008 , 225 ) Similarly , the notion of reciprocally influential relations between a person and his or her environment ( 2006 , captures at least some potential for the environmental context itself to be altered . However , presenting such exchanges as mutually beneficial fails to acknowledge the extent to which structural power imbalances consistently undermine the efforts of those facing the most profound disadvantage . 210

For the majority of definitions , resilience is anchored within an individual perspective , as it is the outcome which is most often of interest . However , mechanisms that enhance resilience can be portrayed as residing both internally and externally across the different levels of the system . This breadth has important implications for assumptions about the range of resources available when making resilient changes that can be made quickly and which acknowledge where the young person is starting from . While definitions which conceive of resilience as internal draw largely upon a person psychological resources , more ecological approaches which encompass wider social factors also place responsibility upon institutions and society . The different understandings of resilience can be viewed within the context of how resilience research has developed in the four waves said to have shaped the field today ( see , 2007 ) Health Inequality and Resilience Following international recognition of the impacts of myriad social inequalities on health ( Black , Morris , Smith , Townsend , 1980 Lawn et , 2008 ) the ethical obligation to tackle health inequalities has been steadily gaining influence as a political issue ( Elliott , Wallace , 2005 Marmot Bell , 2012 ) Health inequalities are defined as disparities in health ( and in its key ) that are systematically associated with social ( 2003 , 256 ) It is not possible to talk meaningfully about health inequalities without talking about ethics and social change . With health and now recognized as social phenomena , questions about how to tackle health inequalities become reframed as questions of how to transform the social structures and systems which produce inequality ( Commission on Social of Health , 2008 Wilson , 2009 ) The reduction of health inequalities is now a key strategic priority both in the United Kingdom ( Public Health England , 2013 ) and internationally ( World Health Organization , 2014 ) Within this context , building people resilience through an individual focus is increasingly being presented within government policy and supplementary papers as a viable mechanism for the reduction of health challenges ( Children and Young People Health Outcomes Forum , Department of Health , Public Health England , 2011 ) In government explanations that privilege lifestyle choice and a person internal capacities and abilities , it is the individual who bears the brunt of responsibility for reducing health inequalities ( Department of Health , for example , pressure on individuals to reduce their alcohol consumption within a society that encourages excessive drinking with extended liquor licenses , happy hours and cheap supermarket offers . Criticisms of Resilience From a social justice perspective , however , responsibility lies to a larger extent with governments , and global decision makers , in their power to determine the economic , social , and health policies that shape the wider socioeconomic conditions . Taking a capabilities perspective , individuals also have agency to affect their own trajectories and those of others ( 2003 Sen , 1999 ) It is from within the shifting of responsibility for health outcomes from governing institutions onto individuals , and vice versa , that critique of resilience arises . Reacting to the tendency for practices and policies to emphasize personal responsibility , while reducing levels of state services , cultural theorists , and social critics consistently warn against an emphasis on promoting resilience ( 2013 de Lint , 201 , 201 , 201 Harrison , 201 ) They identify the concept of resilience as a vehicle forthe of individuals in place of social structures and governing institutions ( 2013 de Lint , 2013 Harrison , 2012 Schmidt , 2015 see Table ) Little attempt has been made within the resilience literature to offer a response to this critique despite many resilience working from a perspective ( Bush , 2013 ) which may naturally be assumed to capture inequality issues . Political and economic influences may become concealed when higher level structural factors are assumed to be only as influential as more intermediary influences , such as the personal capacities and behavior of individuals . Structural are no longer seen as the causes of the causes ( Marmot , 2005 ) when they are being given equal status . This paves the way for internalized explanations to proliferate when lifestyle factors of behavioral origin appear to exert the greatest influence over health and outcomes ( Department of Health , and a focus on the level of the individual and on higher level structural factors is presented as mutually exclusive . of individuals then occurs when structural accountability is denied and health inequalities come to be understood wholly as the result of these individual choices and internal capacities . To critics , a focus on resilience is seen as synonymous with accepting this internalized explanatory model for health inequalities . Many resilience practitioners and researchers own understandings and experiences of processes of inequality and disadvantage are not congruent with this model . Particularly for those who identify as members of , or who are working alongside , marginalized and disadvantaged groups , the power of conditions of injustice to constantly undermine caring work does not go unnoticed ( 2005 ) And in our own projects the impact of structural challenges such as poor housing , transport , and income is often highlighted in the basics category of our resilience framework ( Hart , Thomas , 2007 ) By contrast , abstracted from context , resilience takes on the appearance of an independent variable separable from higher level political and economic factors , and structural accountability becomes deniable , or at least ignorable . It is important to note that of resilience also fundamentally ignores findings in resilience research , where context is cardinal for adaptive development ( 2012 ) As the internalized resilience presented in policy bears little resemblance to the ecological 211

models common today , many resilience researchers and practitioners may feel such critique is simply not relevant to their work , even though they may also not feel empowered to influence or challenge policy . Nevertheless , the problem of explanatory levels continues to be an issue . Table . Criticisms of Resilience . Authors Criticisms of resilience ( As the can do notion of resilience . twinned with the privatisation of responsibilities . circulates in and flows from policy texts . it obscures historical and more recent structural inequalities that are fundamental barriers to the wellbeing of the poor and blames and them for what are deemed to be their failings , deficits and unhealthy . I ) can not adequately explain inequalities in mental health and wellbeing and may serve to disguise or distract from analysis of social structures that result in and maintain inequalities in power , wealth and privilege and the impact of these inequalities on population mental . Garrett ( problematic operational consequences of policy for children services ) discourse is permeated with frequently unacknowledged . value judgements and unquestioned assumptions excessive emphasis placed on individuals at the expense of social structure and social forces apparent affinity between resilience and key tenets . Harrison ( A focus on resilience lends itself to overemphasis on the ability of those at the sharp end of economic 99 ) downturn to bounce back such a focus may be at the cost of understanding the nature of structural factors that mean that bouncing back erodes resilient capability in the long term . it and shifts responsibility for dealing with crisis away from those in power . Harrison ( In focusing on apparent resilience . the costs of this resilience maybe rendered invisible and compounded over 99 ) time . Harrison ( often focuses on psychological dispositions and personality traits as protective factors to the exclusion ) of analysis of die ways in which these are influenced by wider structural considerations . Harrison ( tends to characterise as individual that which should be understood to be the result of collective effort . I ) Joseph ( urges us to turn from a concern with the outside world to a concern our own . our 40 ) adaptability . our understanding . our own risk assessments . our knowledge acquisition and . above all else . our responsible decision making . the way resilience works . certainly in approaches . is to move fairly swiftly from thinking about the dynamics of systems to emphasising individual responsibility . adaptability and preparedness . Joseph ( fits with a mode of . the term lacks any proper philosophical meaning . 40 ) To develop a philosophical account of resilience would be to give discourse a credibility it does not deserve and to ultimately legitimate a set of practices of governance . It has been plucked from the ecology literature and used in a fairly instrumental way to justify particular forms of governance which emphasis responsible conduct de Lint and . involves discounting a longer view that challenges the dominant social institutions and orders of ( de Lint and . prohibits challenges to the systems and institutions in which the individual is located . de Lint and Although studies of resilience consider the individual relatively holistically and locate them contextually within ( broader environments and social structures . they nevertheless direct interventions towards the individual rather than seeking structural reforms . de Lint and . designed to maximise alignment with ordering and burden the individual the responsibility ( to adapt to status quo associations . To overcome these difficulties , Harrison ( 2012 ) argues that resilience might be best replaced with the concept of vulnerability . She suggests that while references to resilience emphasize individual responsibility , the term vulnerability suggests moral obligation for those in positions of power toward those who are less powerful . Despite noting that vulnerability can imply people lack agency or are helpless victims ( 99 ) she proposes that nevertheless the term is preferable , as , in contrast to resilience , vulnerability can be reduced by intervening in the political and economic allocation of resources . To resilience researchers and practitioners working with disadvantaged and marginalized individuals and communities , a focus on vulnerability in place of resilience is neither constructive nor ethical . For marginalized populations , left abandoned to their own fate , the only persons available to act upon their interests may well be themselves and those in close proximity . Relying solely upon appeals to those in power to take on moral responsibility for outcomes antithetical to their own interests remains an insufficient course of action . Furthermore , such an approach risks further the most excluded groups in society who are already poorly represented in research . And finally , by replacing the concept of resilience with vulnerability , we risk missing the ways in which some people can display vulnerability , and at the same time strengths and capability ( Hall , Murray , 2010 ) To illustrate the point from one of our own research projects , a young woman who consistently displayed considerable signs of distress and vulnerability , often needing to leave meetings , also revealed that she was a prominent and successful campaigner for mental health justice with a leading young people mental health charity , simultaneously showing strength and capability . 212

We propose that approaches should address both individual and structural elements that could make a difference , while acknowledging that the range of individual strategies available may be largely determined by higher level political and economic factors ( healthy eating may not be possible for someone on a low income due to the often higher price of healthy foods than junk foods , and is not necessarily about their individual conscious unwillingness to adopt a diet that the government tells them will be better for their health ) Resilience and Social Justice The need for resilience research and practice development to engage with inequalities issues , and consequently the accompanying critique , is becoming increasingly urgent ( Richter , 2013 ) We propose that it is time for resilience to go beyond understanding how individuals cope with adversity , to challenge the structures that create disadvantages in the first place , and contribute to the development of a new wave of research that unites resilience research and practice development with social justice and activism . This process should invite the relocation of community members , researchers , and policy makers in dynamic , multilevel processes . They can then seek to challenge the contributory practices that conflate higher level causes with proximal . Recognizing that an unjust system unavoidably demands resilience because it relates to adversity , we suggest , as does ( 2009 ) that we begin by asking , a ) to what extent adversity will be tolerated , on the assumption that resilient individuals can and do cope and ( how much adversity resilient individuals should endure before social arrangements , rather than individuals , are targeted for intervention . However , we propose it is then necessary to consider broader shifts that might emerge rom resilient moves at the level , where there is potential for knowledge and practice to travel and spread and in he process target social ( Hart , 2011 ) For instance , in our mental projects we identify stigma and discrimination as key adversities faced by people with mental health problems , including people in our research team . Our work ves considering ways to challenge that adversity in our daily lives , in our local communities , and at a national level by media campaigns and lobbying . In addition , we notice that while a understanding of resilience has been emphasized in adult populations ( Brown , Payne , Green , 2010 , 2008 Maxwell , Locke , 2011 ) remarkably few resilience authors or researchers explicitly attempt to incorporate inequalities perspective when working with children and young people ( Hart , Thomas , 2007 , 2005 , 2015 ) and therefore there is a clear literature gap in addressing this in younger populations , for whom adults may assume they know best . At , we use a strategic methodology to support disadvantaged children , young people ( up to age 25 years ) and their families in overcoming the adversity they face in their lives ( Hart , Thomas , 2007 , attempting to address this literature gap in practice . Our work has always been informed by an inequalities awareness and we have developed and applied the concept of an inequalities imagination ( Hart , Thomas , 2007 Hall Hart , 2001 Hart , Hall , 2003 ) We define adversity in relation to social disadvantage , and building on more recent and definitions ( 2006 , 2008 ) we construct resilience as , overcoming adversity , whilst also potentially subtly changing , or even dramatically transforming , aspects of ) that adversity ( Hart , et , 2013 ) This creates the possibility for interventions to have an emancipatory function ( potential to overcome adversity and oppression ) and contribute toward systemic change , for example by changing school policy to cultivate a more supportive and positive school culture that discourages , alongside targeted work to build resilience strategies in pupils to deal with stigma and bullying . Current resilience interventions based on an ecological understanding ( Daniel , 2002 Xavier , 2010 ) have the potential to target a number of dynamic processes at a range of levels and to overcome inequalities . Within the systemic approach , resilience researchers should introduce specific directions for interventions and social policies , through identifying processes that significantly mitigate he effects of adverse life conditions ( Brown , 2007 ) In most instances , however , practicalities of implementation result in interventions predominantly targeting factors proximal to the individual , while acknowledgment of more distal processes remains fairly cursory . For example , many practitioners feel comfortable with and skilled in helping people to make micro resilient moves in their lives but feel less empowered and knowledgeable about influencing or challenging policies . supports the development of resilience research and practice that includes a strong inequalities dimension , underpinned by a framework . According to the Social Care Institute for Excellence ( 2015 ) is key in developing public services the advantages include services , integration , improved user and carer experiences of services , and increased community capacity . At , our work is carried out both with and as disadvantaged communities most of the team working on our research themselves experience additional challenges social exclusion . We focus on trying to include those of us who might be perceived as highly disadvantaged and marginalized in all stages of our research and knowledge transfer activities , amplifying the voices of others who experience social disadvantage , mental health problems , disability , and other vulnerabilities at different stages in life . We carry out resilience research and practice in our various identities as affiliates to the community of practice . From this perspective , we have witnessed firsthand how the concept of resilience generates interest and momentum because it inspires ( Big Lottery Fund UK , who award grants to good causes , made a million investment in programs in schools in England with much of the funding going to initiatives Big Lottery , 2013 primary school mental health initiative in Australia , therefore , there is a clear imperative to continue resilience research and practice to strengthen 213

children and young people and enable them to deal with adversities they may face . With the support of concrete examples from a range of our completed and ongoing research , we outline ways in which others can incorporate resilience theory , interventions , and continuing research practice , into an overarching critical approach which privileges knowledge by researchers and communities ( Hart , Maddison , 2007 ) Knowledge Traditional forms of knowledge production and transfer , such as the objective measurement of outcomes , are unable to sufficiently capture the multifaceted impacts of health inequalities within a dynamic system . This is partly due to insensitivity to the perspectives of communities . Not only does academic knowledge ( Gibbons et , 1994 ) have a strong tendency to people and communities , but it is also associated with elitism and status inequality ( Hart , 2007 ) We suggest that new forms of , egalitarian knowledge production and exchange are more appropriate for understanding the multifaceted dynamic nature of adversity , resilience , inequalities , and transformational change . We advocate a , applied , heterogeneous , and mode of knowledge , with a critical dimension of being by the university and community ( Hart , Maddison , 2007 , Developed in the context of partnerships , knowledge develops richer understandings of resilience , captures its costs , and detects hidden resilience , while also empowering people and communities with the tools and voice to challenge processes of injustice ( Gale , 2012 ) An example from concerns a group of young adults with learning disabilities . They are working with student , Anne Rathbone , one of the of this paper , on a project that enables them to understand and document their own struggles and capacities in relation to the concept of resilience . They have been highly motivated to develop data collection tools . These include a resilience game that when played , helps the group to order their research data in a way that enables the cognitive functioning of the group to be accommodated . The young people have also been highly motivated to support other young people to develop resilience through making their game available more widely ( Hart , Finally , they have challenged wider inequalities in access to transport through lobbying Members of Parliament ( and transport providers ( Hart , Looking at resilience through a social justice lens , the synergy between resilience and adversity continually positions researchers and practitioners as the natural advocates for marginalized , excluded , and disadvantaged children and young people , and supporters of their capacities and opportunities for . research is necessary to capture the complexities of these groups by enabling a holistic approach . For instance , in our work in schools , we work across the school system in collaboration with all staff groups and levels , as well as students , to understand the resilience mechanisms of students , especially those who are disadvantaged , and to improve their resilience outcomes . In one ofour Imagine projects in Greece , undertaken by Elias and colleagues ( 2016 ) school staff , university students , child development center staff , and with parents of children with complex needs in a Community of Practice ( CoP ) Applying lessons from the resilience research field to their own , including our resilience framework , was the CoP focus . This local practice has now influenced the work of other academics in and has also impacted the way that some local councils deliver mental health support . In particular , it has led to more practices being adopted and the sharing of expertise between parents , schools staff , local councils , students , and academics becoming routine . University teaching curricula have also been adapted to support trainee teachers to learn about and embed approaches through this sharing of expertise . Transformative Practice We propose that resilience work should encompass a basics dimension designed specifically to tackle deprivation and associated health inequalities ( Hart , Thomas , 2007 ) At a broader level , the ' concepts of epistemic and transformational validity ( 2003 , 2005 , Voorhees , 2008 ) provide a constructive framework for uniting and factors , through combining understanding of psychological and political influences . Epistemic validity refers to using psychology and politics in understanding social phenomena . Resilience researchers can use this to consider how their understanding of adversity and resilience relates to individual and higher level structural influences , such as asking whether their work includes an understanding of ( a ) the impact of global , political , and economic forces on the issue at hand ( how global , political , and economic forces , as well as social norms , influence the perceptions and experiences of affected individuals and groups and ( how the , behaviors , experiences , feelings , and perceptions of individuals , groups , and entire communities perpetuate or transform the relevant forces and dynamics . They should also consider whether they appreciate how political and psychological powers interact at the personal , relational , and collective levels , affecting the issue at hand . We argue that resilience research and practice has the potential to use validity as a guide toward liberation at the personal , interpersonal , and structural domains . To challenge our own practice and those of others , we might ask questions such as whether interventions ( a ) promote literacy ( educate participants on the timing , components , targets , and dynamics of strategies to overcome oppression ( empower participants to take action to address political inequities and social injustice within their relationships , settings , communities , or even internationally ( promote solidarity and strategic alliances and with groups facing similar issues and ( account for the subjectivity and psychological limitations of agents of change . In our ongoing work , we have made modest steps in these directions . For example , all 16 individual projects of an overall program , 214

on which we are working , involve some form of activity designed to challenge adversity conditions . We described above how a group of young adults with learning disabilities are tackling inequalities in transport provision . Emerging findings from other projects suggest that through lived experience , practitioner and academic partners can work together with an approach to . For example , in the building resilience for and recovery course , we developed a session focused on changing the odds in which learners shared experiences of challenging adversity and developed action plans . One participant highlighted discriminatory attitudes toward people with mental health problems in her church , and with the support of the learning group developed an action plan involving challenging church authorities to take the issue seriously and to circulate educational material . To overcome the dilemma of agency and responsibility , one possibility is to move away from modernist notions of agency , which privilege voluntary , deliberate , or conscious efforts ( Shove , Watson , 2012 ) toward a focus on actions as practices ( Hart , 2011 ) In terms of health inequalities , resilience , and ecology , this means moving away from focusing on individuals as sources of action , or on structures as external forces . Instead , accounts of resilience , capacities , or capabilities are intimately entwined with norms , practices , and institutions , which in turn are shaped and modified by those . Practices , rather than individuals , become the unit of analysis . A practice lens therefore suggests that no one , single factor controls change , including practitioners themselves who do not exist in isolation ( and in this theoretical sense of the term practitioner , we mean anyone ) Yet opportunities for intervention or change remain possible practitioners can operate in a number of ways to influence elements of practice ( Shove et , 2012 ) This entails exploring how practices spread through research , intervention , or organization . Any attempt to understand resilient moves must acknowledge that these attempts are set within a nexus of global health practices seeking to address or tackle inequalities . Research should pay attention to the materiality of policies , reports , public health documents , and strategies for instance , here in England that would include the recent government reforms now influencing the National Health Service ( and of informal and formal health and social care services . It is worth holding in mind that , as we argued earlier , of individuals occurs when structural accountability is denied , and health inequalities come to be understood wholly as the result of individual lifestyle choices and capacities . Participation of knowledge means committing to work with and alongside individuals and communities to better understand their adversity context , including the impacts of inequality , and as an ecological process . Particular attention should be paid to issues of power and power relations , how power imbalances manifest and how they can be challenged in resilience research and practice development . The relationship between knowledge and the existence types of knowledge and competing perspectives should be acknowledged . We should be sensitive to how various types of knowledge are valued and constructed and for what purpose and how they are used , exchanged , and managed ( Hart , Davies , et , 2013 ) We acknowledge that fully engaging people and communities in research requires resources , effort , time , and management , and often the practicalities are challenging , butwe urge researchers to consider the value that knowledge adds to understandings of resilience . The simple but powerful way we incorporate this into our research agenda is through inviting study participants to become and take an active role in the whole research process , in a way that is appropriate to their needs . In this we are not denying the complex power issues ( and indeed practicalities ) involved in making this happen . However , as a group we are committed to research and are constantly striving to improve our practice in terms of shared ownership and accountability . Empowerment Working with and alongside people and communities not only involves an undertaking to celebrate capability and build capacity as we share knowledge and practice but also provides potential to empower people and groups to challenge their adversity context . However , we must be especially careful around the meaning and use of empowerment . Within government policy , empowerment is presented as empowering individuals to make healthier choices ( Department of Health , However , when we refer to empowerment we are interested in the emancipatory potential . In the context of resilience and inequalities , this means supporting individuals , groups , and communities to increase their control over the events that determine their health and in the first place ( World Health Organization , 2011 ) We also see ways in which more collective understandings of empowerment , represented by the disability rights slogan of nothing about us without us , has been reinvented into the more individual no decision about me without me ( Department of Health , 13 ) reflecting the need for involvement rather than protection . For example , another student in our group , Stephanie , supported the development of a approach involving the community , including children ( Hart , Changes were made to the school day that meant children from disadvantaged backgrounds were able to make choices that increased their chances of going on to further studies or gaining employment . They could choose be paid to develop clubs for hobbies and work experience placements , activities that the school did not previously provide , but which , as reported in the literature , are readily available to more advantaged school children ( 2002 , 2012 Stewart , Sun , Patterson , 2001 ) Inclusion of resilience researchers and practitioners to the field precisely because challenging backgrounds . 215

Particular attention should be paid to explicit inclusion of marginalized people in resilience research and practice , including involvement in the more technical aspects of data co lection . Current research practices routinely encourage underrepresentation of those termed hardest to reach and most in need . In our own exploration of the resilience literature , we found that children and young people with complex needs are unjustly underrepresented in study samples ( Hart Heaver , 2013 Hart et , 2011 ) As discussed elsewhere ( Hart Heaver , 2013 Hart et , 2014 ) the economy of research , that is , academic capitalism ( Barry , 2011 ) creates conditions which encourage researchers to focus on tame populations , people who will sit quietly and complete pen and paper or measures , with minimal supervision in the fastest time . We know that competition between researchers to present the best value for money to funders is an issue here , having large sample sizes and including people with learning disabilities are not usually congruous , as we have found in our own projects . Furthermore , academic journals often expect similarly large sample sizes , so there is clearly some work to do for both funders and journal boards in encouraging more appropriate research . Resilience researchers and practitioners should be especially concerned about underrepresentation , as it is the people who are in most need of interventions who are in danger of being systematically left out of the knowledge base because they may need additional support to participate . this state of affairs requires commitment from individual researchers and academic institutions to make emancipatory , resilient moves within research itself . Although we urge researchers to strive toward the inclusion of easy to ignore groups , and those who need additional support , there are steps that can be taken in the meantime to create pressure for change within research . We can stop underrepresentation being a hidden problem , and improve the validity of the information we do have , by routinely including ed demographic information about participants in our research . And , the use of unrepresentative samples , we can explicitly state processes , allowing these processes to be more carefully considered ( Sanders , Jones , 2014 ) In our own research , young people with disabilities ( physical , mental health , and learning ) are integral members of our community of practice and work as ( Hart , 2015 ) Measures The use of representative samples should be especially considered in the development of adversity and resilience measures . If disadvantaged groups are not included when measures are developed , this further perpetuates their exclusion from studies ( Hart et , 2014 ) and reduces validity . Making measures more accessible ( easy read , symbol , or pictorial format ) and ensuring they acquire information from children and young people who have difficulty compiling forms ( read aloud or proxy completion ) will aid inclusion . items should extend beyond the individual to aspects of the person ecology , such as the social ( family ) institutional ( school ) and cultural and community in which they live . Adversity measures should include questions designed to capture the types of inequalities that the person is facing . Resilience measures should attempt to capture emancipatory elements such as activism and advocacy , both in relation to self and others . We appreciate that this is hard in some , but examples include whether participants take part in political activities , for example , voting , lobbying around inequalities , community advocacy or whether the resilience program they attended had wider effects for their community , for example , raising awareness of mental health . Finally , easily obtainable resilience measures are of the greatest benefit in more disadvantaged , potentially increasing inclusion of disadvantaged people and communities . CONCLUSION Wider structural factors , such as political and economic dynamics , are largely neglected in the current models , research and practices of for children and young people . This is partly due to the assumption that a focus on the individual and these wider levels is mutually exclusive . We challenge this assumption by uniting resilience research and practice development with a social justice approach . It is essential for the advancement of the field that researchers and practitioners acknowledge the wider political and economic context in which both the resilience models and resulting research and practice sit . Through a social justice lens , engagement with this wider context demands that those of us who do as disadvantaged take up our role as advocates promote alongside disadvantaged , marginalized , and excluded children , young people , and families . It is essential that the resilience literature shifts debate on to look beyond the individual . We urge scholars to work with an inclusive and robust conceptualization of resilience that pays attention to the individual , societal , and environmental interactions simultaneously . We also ask researchers and practitioners to consider how they can make resilient moves within their own work which contribute toward systemic transformation and the reduction of inequalities . Moreover , working with and alongside individuals and groups facing disadvantage will deepen researchers and practitioners understanding of their needs , those that can be met and those that can not . Resilience research and practice has the potential to affect the wider adversity , and therefore inequalities , context with small resilient moves that set in motion chains of events . This not only raises the profile of and strengthens research and practice , but it also encourages academics , practitioners , and policy makers to tackle systemic inequalities ( Hart , 2011 ) Key here are the strategic plans and daily practices of research funders . has been active in trying to shape these in a context where research 216

funding in the United Kingdom is being increasingly given over to work on big data , with quantitative research , particularly randomized controlled trials , held up as the gold standard against which all other methods are judged . However , despite this larger picture , there is some room for optimism . For instance , even the National Institute for Health Research , which randomized controlled trials , has a powerful Patient and Public Involvement Agenda , which at least in theory enables service users to lead research projects drawing on expertise gained through their service user identity . Elsewhere in the United Kingdom , research has been animated by the Arts and Humanities Research Council Connected Communities Programme . We are involved in this through our own research project , Imagine , and by contributing to the Connected Communities wider community of , which sees us meet regularly to share ideas and develop collaborative practices ( The Economic and Social Research Council also takes the involvement of people with lived experience seriously with , for example , new initiatives being developed with recourse to service users experiences . Of course there are many miles to go with this agenda , and we constantly chal our own practices . Furthermore , many aspects of the wider policy context are not favorable to such initiatives at present . However , as we have argued above and elsewhere , there are always practices to be found that start in one arena and get shifted to others , including government policy agendas . The community of practice approach is one such grassroots initiative that has trave ed beyond its local context and which hopes to sustain future . Some of the practical steps we attempt to live by are outlined below . Uniting resilience research with an inequalities agenda is where we see our community developing and we hope that others wi us . Practical moves that can be made in current research practice include increasing transparency of research , including a clear conceptualization of conducting academic research that advocates for people facing societal inequalities and is focused on challenging inequitable policy agendas including detailed demographic information about research participants in initiatives justifying the use of populations encouraging the research community to undertake research underrepresented groups that are more challenging to work with increasing availability and accessibility of resilience measures developing research and practice designs , with clear skills pathways for all engaging in research containing socially transformative rather than solely personally transformative elements initiating research that shares research goals , processes , publications , and financial resources between academic and community partners facilitating supported agency , and and responses to adversities ( to address societal inequalities , or tackle prejudice , discrimination , and stereotyping ) investigating the impact of disadvantage at multiple levels on processes of , remembering that resilience is concerned with overcoming adversity , while also potentially changing or even dramatically transforming ( aspects of ) that adversity drawing on existing research in allied disciplines ( policy , health disparities , inequalities ) when designing resilience research programs to inform the wider context and taking every opportunity to influence research policy makers and help them understand the relationship between inequalities and resilience . 217

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Justice in Urban Climate Change Adaptation Criteria and Application to Delhi by Sara Hughes This article was originally published in Ecology Society , 18 ( 2013 . Imp This work is licensed under a Creative Commons International ( license ABSTRACT Cities around the world are increasingly developing plans to adapt to the consequences of climate change . These plans will have important consequences for urban populations because they are likely to reshape and reconfigure urban infrastructures , services , and decision making processes . It is critical that these adaptation plans are developed in a way that is just . Criteria was developed that can be used to assess justice in adaptation so that the processes , priorities , and impacts address the needs of the most vulnerable urban populations . Further , mechanisms are outlined that have been proposed as responsible for producing urban injustice . The justice criteria are applied to the case of adaptation planning in Delhi and the extent to which poor and informal populations are included and affected by this planning . The analysis shows that adaptation planning in Delhi does not meet the justice criteria in part because of a lack of capacity and the political economy of poverty in the city . The criteria forjustice and mechanisms of injustice offer an important step toward developing a greater understanding of not only whether adaptation planning isjust , but also why it is or is not . Keywords adaptation cities and climate change equity justice planning INTRODUCTION Climate change is , and will continue to be , a policy and planning concern for cities around the world . Given the variability in existing capacities , exposures , and development priorities in cities , urban adaptation planning will be a particularly ( de et al . 2007 ) One important challenge will be ensuring that the processes and outcomes of climate change adaptation arejust and that the introduction of adaptation planning does not serve to reinforce or exacerbate existing vulnerabilities in the city ( 2010 ) A first step in achieving this goal is developing clear criteria to use in in urban climate change adaptation . In addition , a better understanding of the mechanisms through which policy and planning contribute to urban injustice will help identify entry points for in adaptation . Criteria forjustice in urban climate change adaptation , drawing on classical texts as well as more recent applications related to cities and climate change , contribute to adaptation research and the themes ofthis special issue . However , it is not enough to simply know whether the adaptation is just we must also understand why it came to be that way . Four possible mechanisms of injustice are examined the political economy of poverty , thick injustice , technocratic governance , and institutional capacities , along with the role they may play in urban climate change adaptation . Finally , the case of climate change planning in Delhi is used as an empirical application of the criteria and an examination of the mechanisms of injustice . The criteria , mechanisms , and case study forward our ability to not only evaluate the outcomes of urban climate change adaptation , but also to improve our understanding of why the outcomes occur and how they can be improved . in adaptation is a critical issue for urban residents and communities and one to which the urban politics community can contribute substantial insights . CITIES AND CLIMATE CHANGE ADAPTATION Climate change adaptation can be a direct response to perceived or expected climatic changes , clearly identified as being triggered by climate change ( et al . or the result of other , related factors such as economic changes . These actions are at times purposefully directed toward addressing climate change and at other times are designed with other , or additional , policy goals in mind ( et al . 2007 ) Adaptation has been defined by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change ( as the process of adjustment to actual or expected climate and its effects , in order to moderate harm or exploit beneficial opportunities ( Field et al . Drawn from this definition , those adaptation actions conceived of and implemented by city governments explicitly as a response to climate change are of concern to this research . Cities face significant adaptation challenges . They are sites of climate change impacts such as floods , heat waves , and heat islands ( 2007 , Gasper et al . 2011 ) Sea level rise will especially affect coastal cities . For example , in the city of Rio de sea level rise is predicted to affect people ( Young 2011 ) and coastal flooding is predicted in Dar es Salaam ( and 201 ) Many inland cities , such as Mexico City , are predicted to experience floods that will be more severe and will inflict greater damage 222

with climate change ( Baker 2012 ) in some cases , ongoing urbanization will exacerbate the effects of climate change by increasing temperatures through heat island effects and boosting energy demands ( and White 1997 ) The vulnerability , the propensity or predisposition to be adversely affected ( Field et al . of urban populations to the effects of climate change will vary within a given city . People income and assets are the most consistent indicators of their vulnerability and are used as the two factors characterizing vulnerable and disadvantaged groups . Most injuries and deaths in cities occur among groups ( and 2008 , United Nations Habitat 2011 ) Poverty places populations in a position of greater risk , with fewer resources and options to draw on ( and 2009 ) Climate change will exacerbate the existing vulnerabilities of the urban poor and create new risks as more areas in a city are exposed to climate related hazards . inequities in the provision of services and access to resources can hinder the ability to effectively adapt to climate change ( Romero 2010 ) Cities around the world are developing plans to adapt to climate change , and these plans will have consequences for the availability and distribution of resources and opportunities . Urban adaptation can result in changes to the built environment , land use patterns , decision making processes , development planning , exposure to hazards , and access to services ( et al . 2009 , Ford et al . 2011 ) For example , cities can incentivize water conservation , fund energy efficient transportation , and improve flood mitigation structures . Although many of these actions intersect with mitigation efforts , increasing efficiency , adaptation also requires reducing people exposure and vulnerability and increasing people resilience to extreme events ( Field et al . 2012 ) The infrastructure investments required can create spaces of inaccessibility in a city by excluding certain groups and connecting select urban places ( Graham and Marvin 2001 ) Adaptation plans and programs are also likely to be embedded within existing decision making , priorities , and processes that determine a city broader socioeconomic development trends . Adaptation , therefore , has the potential to contribute to the reproduction of inequalities and differential environmental burdens in cities and to include or exclude the needs of the most vulnerable , that is , those urban populations that lack wealth and assets . Adaptation actions should therefore be evaluated , at least in part , based on justice criteria to ensure decision making processes and the distribution of costs and benefits include and benefit urban populations that lack wealth and assets . However , a recent review has that our understanding of the consequences of urban climate change governance forjustice concerns is lacking ( 2010 ) and most cities do not criteria in their climate change planning efforts ( 2009 , Finn and 201 ) This gap is hindering efforts to improve the environmental performance of cities because the greatest is not necessarily the lack environmental services and infrastructure , but the societal structures reproducing unequal distribution and malfunctioning of these services ( and ) Previous studies of urban climate change policy have focused on the motivations behind planning processes and their outcomes , primarily in developed countries ( Robinson and Gore 2005 , and 2008 , et al . 2008 , et al . 2010 , Ford et a . 2011 , 2011 , Sharp et al . 2011 ) Climate change justice research has largely focused on rural areas and resource dependent communities , or conflicts in the global arena ( Brown 2003 , et al . 2006 , et al . 2009 , 2010 , and Dooley 2010 , Marino and 2012 , Yates 2012 ) The use of participation and collaboration processes in cities , and the political struggles these processes necessarily engage , are only starting to be considered by the and the broader urban climate change community ( Few . 2007 , van et al . 2008 , 2010 ) A more holistic and empirical approach to in urban climate change , and , more WHAT IS IN URBAN in urban ac ly , plans for adaptation , is a necessary next step . ADAPTATION ?

requires clear criteria for evaluating decision making processes and outcomes at the same time , justice is a contested and normative concept . John Rawls , a prominent political philosopher , saw justice as fairness , meaning that the terms of allocating benefits a 1971 ) He argued that even i burdens are such that a reasonable person would accept them and expect others to do the same ( Rawls all people were given equal liberties and opportunities at birth , differences in position and power would still arise . These social and economic inequalities arejust , Rawls claims , only if they work to the greatest benefit of the members of society , what is evaluate existing is commonly referred to as a Nobel Prize winner approach that relies on more on the of referred to as the criterion ( Cohen 1989 , Rawls 2001 ) Rawls definition is commonly used to arrangements against the ideal system that is able to allocate opportunities and burdens fairly , or what approach . Sen later shifted discussions of justice away from Rawls interest in designing just institutions to an ying outcomes or options that are than the status quo . Sen referred to his approach as focusing , rather than on the means ( Sen 1992 xi , emphasis in original ) which is often considered an based approach . He argued that policy options that produce enhanced basic freedoms and opportunities for are more just than the status quo ( Sen 2009 ) Although Sen did not specify what freedoms should be enhanced by these just alternatives , Martha the following life , bodily health , bodily integrity , senses imagination and thought , emotions , practical reason , affiliation , other species , play , and control over one environment ( 2003 ) This approach is often referred to as the capability approach because in contrast with the or lines of thinking , individual advantage is 223

judged in the capability approach by a person capability to do things he or she has reason to value ( Sen ) as the result of a policy or development intervention . Capability , therefore , becomes the metric with which policies , and society more broadly , Applying these concepts ofjustice empirically to urban policy and planning can be difficult , but researchers have found various ways of translating broader concepts ofjustice , such as those proposed by Rawls and Sen , into evaluative criteria for cities . Some have built on Sen emphasis on justice to promote climate change adaptations in cities that benefit vulnerable groups . For example , and have proposed an framework for pro poor adaptation in which investments in the assets , intellectual and physical , of vulnerable and poor communities are used to reduce vulnerability and improve capacity ( and , 2011 ) Hastings ( 2007 ) has proposed a territorial justice of service provision in which the level of provision always meets the level of need . However , there is a growing emphasis within the urban environmental justice community to include both and based justice criteria in evaluations . Although too much emphasis on process and institutions can shift focus away from people lived experiences , which is Sen central argument , ignoring these factors does not permit an assessment of procedural injustice ( Boone , emphasis in original ) and discounts the social structure and institutional context that often help determine distributive patterns ( Young ) Again highlighting the importance of including both means and criteria , 2003 ) from equity by defining environmental justice as encompassing both procedural and distributive justice , although equity is often only interested in the distributive outcomes . and Evans ( 2003 ) argue that the meaningful involvement of all people in decision making and implementation , as well as the equitable distribution of benefits and burdens , are the necessary components of environmental justice in cities , a definition that encompasses both procedural and substantive outcomes . Likewise , Susan ( 2010 ) has proposed that democracy , diversity , and equity are the basic elements of a just city . Within the climate community , focused at the global scale , there is also an emphasis on both procedural and distributional justice ( et al . 2006 ) Understanding the justice dimensions of both the way in which decisions are made and the outcomes of these decisions therefore becomes a powerful tool for evaluating the justice of a new policy or program , such as adaptation planning . Despite the growing body of work surrounding urban environmental justice , there is a need to better understand what climate change adaptation in cities will or could mean for vulnerable populations and how to evaluate the process and outcomes of adaptation using justice as a criterion . The growing emphasis on both means and , or procedural and distributive , criteria reflects description ofjustice as distribution justly achieved ( Harvey ) Drawing on this idea , and the work of environmental justice scholars , justice in urban climate change adaptation is defined as just adaptation justly The criteria for meeting this definition are ( inclusiveness , representation of vulnerable groups in adaptation planning processes for the city ( priority setting and framing that recognize the adaptation needs of the vulnerable groups in the city and ( impacts , impacts of adaptation that enhance the freedoms and assets of vulnerable groups in the city ( Table ) These criteria reflect both the and approaches to and also account for the distinction typically made in evaluations of the effectiveness of public policies between outputs , outcomes , and impacts . Representation of vulnerable groups meets the process criteria forjustice and enhances people ability to affect change in their city through open and democratic decision making processes . Explicit prioritizing of vulnerable groups and framing adaptation as , in part , a tool with which to reduce their vulnerability ensures that planning documents and institutions that develop around adaptation , outputs and outcomes , reflect equity and fairness concerns . Finally , the tangible results of adaptation planning , impacts , should meet the criteria of enhancing the freedoms and assets of the city most vulnerable groups . THE MECHANISMS OF INJUSTICE Although identifying injustice in urban adaptation is important , it is equally important to understand why injustices occur so that strategies for improving the processes and outcomes of urban adaptation are developed . Research in urban politics and planning has shown that there are a variety of mechanisms that have the potential to contribute to continuing injustice in cities . These mechanisms , although not necessarily exclusive or independent , can be categorized as the political economy of poverty , thick injustice , technocratic governance , and institutional capacities . The extent to which any given mechanism contributes to injustice varies between cities and between policy issues . Thick injustice Contemporary injustices may be the result of past decisions and resource allocations , thus making it difficult to track the source of the injustices to a particular event or institution . This is referred to as thick injustice or unjust power relations that are deep and densely concentrated , as well as opaque and relatively intractable ( Hayward and 2011 Li ) Thick injustice is rooted in the historical patterns of a city governance and infrastructure in a way that makes it identify and change . From this perspective , injustice in the distribution of burdens and benefits in cities is rooted in historical processes and is a legacy of past policies that continue to affect the participation opportunities , engagement , and outcomes of decisions surrounding land use planning and public services . Past programs for economic restructuring and suburbanization can foster a spatial mismatch between where people can live , where people 224

can work , and their subsequent contemporary access to decision making processes and outcomes ( 2002 ) Access to property or green space in the city can be limited for certain racial or ethnic groups because of that have led to differential housing densities ( et al . 2006 ) Table . Summary of major contributions to the examination and of justice relevant to urban climate change adaptation and proposed criteria for justice in urban adaptation . Author Topic Key Argument Representative Publication John Rawls Just Institutions Justice as fairness terms of allocating A Theory of . 1971 . Harvard and are acceptable University Press to all inequities work to of disadvantaged Sui Capability Approach Outcomes that increase people Idea of Justice . 2009 . basic capabilities and opportunities University Press are more just than outcomes that do not Catherine and David Adaptation Adaptation actions should seek to Towards Adaptation to increase and rebuild the assets of the Climate Change in the Urban Centre urban poor of Law and . 2008 . Human Discussion Paper Neil Climate Change Justice Fairness in adaptation responses Farmer in Adaptation to Climate requires both procedural and Change . colleagues ) 2006 . MIT distributional justice Press Susan Just Cities Just cities are democratic . diverse . 1712 Just City . 2010 . Cornell and equitable University Press Julian Christopher Justice Justice requires meaningful . Toward Just Boone involvement of all people in decision Sustainability in Urban Communities making and together Building Equity Rights with the equitable distribution of Sustainable Solutions . 2003 . Anna outcomes of the Academy and Social Science Proposed Justice in Urban Climate ( Inclusiveness representation of Vulnerable groups in adaptation planning Change Adaptation processes for the city ( priority setting and framing that recognize the adaptation needs of the vulnerable groups in the city ( Impacts impacts of adaptation enhance the freedoms and assets of vulnerable groups in the city Thick injustice proposes that injustice is the outcome of historical processes and patterns of allocating resources and access to spaces within the city . This approach has also been called the perspective , which is concerned with the extent to which injustices are the outcome of historical development paths , as opposed to contemporary development policy ( 2003 ) argued that it is important to know the difference if we are to know the degree to which contemporary policy interventions can . For example , Boone et al . 2009 ) demonstrated that the current disproportionate exposure of white communities to toxic chemicals in Baltimore was the result of zoning decisions made in the 19205 and 19305 rather than recent decisions made by industry to locate in particular areas . From a thick injustice perspective , whether or not the outcomes of urban climate change adaptation arejust will be determined by past decisions and resource allocations . For example , an adaptation strategy centered on enhancing existing flood protection barriers will provide little benefit in areas that do have flood protection barriers to begin with or whose flood protection barriers have been poorly maintained for the last 50 years . These deeply rooted and inequalities may work to obscure the source of urban injustices and require interventions that are able to rectify the legacy outcomes of past decisions . 225

Political economy of poverty In addition to historical or thick mechanisms of injustice , contemporary conditions in cities , particularly political representation and access to decision making , have been consistently identified as drivers and of urban poverty and exclusion . The political economy approach emphasizes the politics and citizenship in urban decision making processes , and the rights of the citizen as an urban dweller , or , and user of multiple services ( Although local government is often the most representative scale of government , and this is true in India ( 1991 ) political economy of poverty research has shown that the urban poor are still likely to have fewer opportunities than other groups to influence policy making processes in a meaningful way or help set spending priorities consequently , the decisions made by municipalities are unlikely to groups . This dynamic creates a positive feedback loop and a type of poverty trap ( et al . 2006 ) For example , although in Delhi poorer people are more likely to be politically active , this does not translate into political power because of the prevalence of middle class interests in civil society and newly developed channels of participation and state access that prioritize land ownership ( 2005 , 2011 ) As people access to decision making and investment in the political economy of the city are diminished , so are the benefits they are likely to receive from this system . In many cases adaptation planning is embedded in existing policy and planning processes ( and 2011 ) which will further tie adaptation decisions and outcomes to the political economy of urban poverty . Drawing on this approach , we would predict that the inability of vulnerable groups to currently participate in , influence , and be prioritized by the policy process will inhibit just outcomes in urban climate change adaptation . Conversely , from a political economy of poverty perspective , we would expect that cities whose political and institutional arrangements allow for equal access to and influence upon decision making would develop more just adaptation strategies . Technocratic governance Technical information can often be an important input to urban environmental policy and climate change adaptation decisions . A dominance of technical information in policy making can marginalize groups that are not using , familiar with , or included by this information ( Fischer 2005 , 2007 ) Particular can become institutionalized such that the way information is produced and used results in decisions that do not account for goals or processes that lie outside the dominant way of thinking . For example , Eden and ( 2006 ) found that ecological restoration projects that rely solely on environmental data and do not account for the needs and motivations of the community are unsuccessful and controversial . Even the tools used to analyze policies , benefit analyses and efficiency metrics , can lead us to different conclusions about the equity of their distribution of costs and benefits ( and 2003 ) Government agencies are asked to undertake ever more complex analyses of the risks and benefits of regulation and elite advisory committees are often used as advisers ( 1990 ) The type of information that is used in decision making and the way this information is generated and evaluated can help to determine the accessibility of decision making and its distribution of costs and benefits . Adaptation is often informed by climate models and aggregate statistics that underlie temperature and precipitation scenarios for the future . Adaptation , therefore , has the potential to be seen as a purely technical enterprise with justice concerns considerably marginalized ( Finn and 2011 ) From a technocratic governance perspective , adaptation planning processes that rely heavily on experts and technical information and do not include local knowledge and participation in decision making are less likely to meet the justice criteria . Climate adaptation planning processes should ensure that technical materials are accessible even to those with minimal technical skills and understanding , and more diverse sources of information should be included . Institutional capacities Institutions underlying policy processes can play an important role in determining their outcomes ( March and Olsen 1989 , and 1999 ) Research has shown that local governmental institutions often lack the administrative , financial , or technical capacity to successfully develop and implement new policies and programs . Because of rapid growth and relatively weak accompanying governance structures , cities in low and middle income countries may particularly lack the qualities of good urban governance decentralization and autonomy , transparency and accountability , and responsiveness and flexibility ( 2003 , Dodman and 2008 , 2008 , and 2011 ) In some cases , a municipality may not have the authority it needs to reach its climate goals because of complex institutional networks and jurisdictions , such as in the case of Mexico City ( Romero 2007 ) Policy efforts that seek to alleviate urban poverty often have very different approaches and priorities , and any given department is likely to have an incomplete understanding of the problem . Cities may also lack the necessary financial resources caused by an inability to generate and collect adequate tax revenue . Municipal governments in highly centralized countries may have limited control over their financial resources . Further , decision makers may lack the technical capacity and training necessary to address the needs of the vulnerable . Cities may lack the institutional capacity to address the needs of vulnerable groups , despite any good intentions . From this perspective , institutional capacity will play a role in determining whether and to what extent urban climate change adaptation is just . The greater the institutional capacity , authority , financial resources , and expertise , the more likely a city will be able to develop climate change adaptation strategies that arejust . 226

EMPIRICAL APPLICATION DELHI The city of Delhi is used as a case study for applying thejustice criteria and identifying the mechanisms of injustice at play in climate change adaptation planning . Delhi is a useful case for applying the proposed criteria forjustice in adaptation planning because it is part of a broader trend cities in developing and newly countries taking action on climate change ( and 2007 ) these efforts are still relatively new in Delhi , the city was one of the first major cities in the world to initiate a climate change action plan and is continuing to update its approach to addressing and adapting to climate change . It is a growing city with major deficits in services and a vibrant middle class . Between April and May 2012 , 21 interviews were conducted with people working on climate change issues in the central government , De hi government , academia , and . Interviewees were first chosen using a strategic sampling method targeting individuals from government , and academia involved in , interested in , or contributing to planning for climate change , environment , energy , water , or land use . This resulted in an initial set of 15 interviews . A snowball sampling method ( Noy 2008 ) was then used to identify and interview an additional six people that participants thought would be valuable sources of information for the research . The final set of 21 interviews included people from city government , person from subcity government , the Municipal Corporation of De hi , to people from central government , people from , and academics . The interviews were and included questions on how climate change planning takes place and what it consists of , how vu groups are included , what information was used in the process , and plans for the future ( Appendix ) Because the climate change agenda does not distinguish between mitigation and adaptation aims , participants were asked about climate change actions broadly , and the answers were interpreted and analyzed as they pertained to adaptation . The interviews were transcribed and coded using a deductive coding scheme reflective of the three justice criteria and the four potential mechanisms of injustice . The results from these interviews , together with other literature and government reports , were used to identify the city climate change challenges , the three criteria forjustice in adaptation , and determine what mechanisms are at play in producing injustices in adaptation . The analysis , therefore , was largely based on the perceptions and responses of the interviewees as measured against the criteria forjustice and potential mechanisms of injustice described in the literature and presented above ( Smith and 2012 ) Climate change adaptation and Delhi Nearly 17 million people live in the National Capital Territory of Delhi , referred to here as Delhi , and the population has been expanding rapidly , growing by 47 between 1991 and 2001 and by from 2001 to 2011 ( Census of India 2011 ) Delhi is predicted to experience increased temperatures and extremes in precipitation in response to climate change ( 2005 ) The city lies on the banks of the River , and increases in extreme precipitation events combined with accelerated glacial melt are likely to increase the chance of major floods ( 2008 ) Increased temperatures may also lead to increased urban heat islands , particularly in high density housing neighborhoods . More intense droughts are also predicted for the city and the regions it depends upon for resources . Delhi already struggles to meet the water supply , sanitation , and water quality needs of its residents ( Centre for Science and Environment 2012 ) and climatic changes will exacerbate these challenges . The city supports a growing middle class that has benefitted greatly , both politically and economically , from globalization and subsequent economic growth . The city has also been undergoing significant changes because of its drive to become a , or global , city ( Dupont 2011 ) However , this growth in prominence and wealth has also served to further marginalize the urban poor and working classes ( 2001 , 2012 ) In addition , large portions of the city residents live in informal settlements that receive little or no city services and are exposed to flooding hazards and air pollution . These groups , the poor and the informal , are the most vulnerable in the city and are the target population for in adaptation in Delhi . In 2008 the city released its climate change plan , called the Climate Change Agenda for Delhi . The plan contains 65 action points , for every year of India independence , that include both mitigation and adaptation activities . The plan did not come with explicit budgets but did allocate responsibility for implementation to existing groups and government agencies within the city ( former Delhi Department of Environment employee , 30 April 2012 , personal communication ) These assignments were therefore essentially unfunded and in many cases built on or incorporated existing programs within the agencies . Then in August of 2010 , the national government initiated a collaborative effort with states to develop a common framework for implementing national climate change objectives . As a union territory , Delhi is currently developing a state level action plan under this framework , which will replace the Climate Change Agenda for Delhi when it is completed . Funding for the state level action plans is predicted to come from federal ministries as well as from internal , bilateral , multilateral , and private funding sources ( United Nations Development Programme ( representative , May 2012 , personal communication ) The state action plans are expected to focus more on adaptation and , according to a representative from the national Ministry of Environment and Forests , on 23 May 2012 , they hope to get mitigation benefits through adaptation measures and avoid setting explicit emissions targets . Delhi efforts at climate change adaptation planning are still relatively young the climate change agenda has only been in place since 2009 and the state level action plan is still being developed . However , Delhi remains one of the early actors in developing a climate change plan , particularly among low and middle income countries , and learning from these experiences can have value not only for the city itself as it moves forward , but also for other cities with similar ambitions . 227

criterion representation of vulnerable groups in adaptation planning processes The planning process for the Climate Change Agenda for De hi did not include mechanisms for vulnerable groups to or be represented . In 2008 , the Chief Secretary of Delhi decided to work on a climate change plan for the city of Delhi with an evaluation of the climate change plans of global cities , including London . On ay 2012 , he said I started , I must tell you , by searching the net on a number of American cities which have come out with climate change protocols of their After drawing on these plans for the approach , he began collecting data for a plan for Delhi . His methods for collecting data followed the central government methods , because I saw that that framework would be good for our department too . Finally , we identified 20 government departments in De hi that should be involved and worked with them to deve op 65 action points forthe city to tackle between 2009 and 2012 . Updates monitoring too place through weekly conference calls between the Chief Secretary of Delhi and the heads the government departments . The process of developing the new state action plan for De hi may have been more inclusive . This was , in part , because of the involvement of the who , in collaboration with the central and state governments , helped to a common framework or climate change planning at the level in India that included stakeholder workshops . The workshops were intended to target , in part , marginalized communities , society , and activists ( representative , May 2012 , personal communication ) a key tenet of the new framework is that process is ( representative , May 2012 , personal communication ) and indeed and coordination are listed as the first stage of the new framework . However , he framework is voluntary and Delhi already had a climate change plan in place , it is unclear how closely it will follow the proposed common framework . The Gandhi Institute for Combating Climate Change , a strategic research institute , has been tasked with an educational campaign about the Delhi government targets for the state action plan by targeting communities , schools , and colleges . there are not similar plans to involve these groups in the construction the goals themselves . One way vulnerable groups could be better represented in adaptation planning is through an expansion of the city System , an initiative of Chief . Accordingto the Chief Minister , she realized there was a need to increase citizen involvement in government voting every few years decision making should be participatory all the way through ( Chief Minister Sheila , 18 May 2012 , personal communication ) means partnership , and the program empowers and provides venues or residential welfare associations ( throughout the city to set priorities for their neighborhood and communicate these to the Delhi government . The System has received international recognition for its innovative approach to metropolitan governance , including a Public Service Award from the United Nations . As mentioned previously , the system currently favors property owners by relying on , are themselves groups of private property owners organized at the neighborhoods level ( 2011505 ) According to the Chief Minister office there are 1229 unauthorized colony that have been provisionally registered with the government ( Chief Minister of Delhi , 18 May 2012 , personal communication ) but these need to be made official if the most vulnerable are to be represented . The System has been a conduit for greater public input in the more recent climate change process . The leaders of the System have provided input to the state action plan ( Chief Minister of Delhi , 18 May 2012 , personal communication ) and are seen as important players in implementation ( Parks and Gardens Society , May 2012 , communication ) However , despite this progress , there remains no explicit mechanism through which the most vulnerable in Delhi can participate specifically in the city adaptation planning . research , focused on the procedural or dimensions ofjustice , has shown that criterion requires vulnerable groups to be represented in adaptation planning processes . Based on the evidence presented here , Delhi process does not meet this criterion decision making about the climate change agenda was highly centralized and lacked transparency , and the current configuration of the System is not inclusive of the city vulnerable groups . The process proposed or the state level action plan and the outreach programs of the Mahatma Gandhi Institute for Combating Climate Change have greater to meet this criterion . criterion priority setting and framing that recognize the adaptation needs of the vulnerable groups in the city Evaluating the Climate Change Agenda for Delhi and the programs and priorities it lays out , the policy outputs and outcomes , revealed that there were two passages that recognized the needs of vulnerable groups . In the introduction , the agenda reads climate change is a global challenge and needs a positive development policy response to ensure that the objectives of growth with equity are achieved while at the same time to ensure long term sustainability of the environment ( 2009 ) However , the agenda does not specify how this is to be achieved , except in the case of water supply , which is the second place where the needs of vulnerable groups are recognized . Overall , the agenda places an emphasis on the need to improve public services and specific objectives are developed for water . The agenda motivates changes in water management by recognizing that current service patterns are inequitable Today whether it is the rich or poor all pay the same cost and while the distribution system in rich areas is better and hence the availability , the same is not true of poorer areas of the city ( 2009 ) One way the agenda proposes to remedy this is by providing sewage connections to all villages and unauthorized colonies , a responsibility given to the Delhi Jal Board . This board is using the climate change agenda as a starting point fortheir own strategic planning and priority setting with a plan set to be released in 2012 ( senior official at the Delhi Jal Board , 25 May 2012 , personal communication ) 228

Beyond these explicit references , many of the city adaptation goals are strategically bundled with the city broader development goals ( 2013 ) For example , when describing the urgency of acting to address climate change , the introduction to the climate change agenda reads , in part This means putting in place small efforts which are encapsulated in a framework which makes it possible for each to become a part of the process of change . This document sets forth the ways in which Delhi Development Agenda can be marshaled to meet the objective of preserving our planet ( 2009 ) The aim then seems to be to develop a program that builds on existing development aims . However , the plan does not contain specific strategies by which Delhi development agenda will be leveraged for climate change benefits , and although there are many components of Delhi development agenda that target the needs of vulnerable groups , as a whole it does not prioritize the needs of these groups ( 2010 ) According to an NGO representative in Delhi Currently they are planning for the middle class but climate change requires that they plan for the most poor , the people who are vulnerable . The people who they are planning for , they are more resilient . They are not vulnerable . The communities , the poor communities , are the people who are more vulnerable . But there no plan that says each person should have access to a minimum number of liters ( of water ) NGO representative in Delhi , May 2012 , personal communication ) An important improvement in the forthcoming state action plan is the use of a vulnerability assessment , as recommended in the common framework . The city has commissioned academics from the Indian Institute of Technology to conduct quantitative vulnerability assessments for the city based on potential climate impacts . In theory , the use of a vulnerability assessment should help the city identify and target vulnerable groups . However , it is still not clear how the vulnerability assessment will be conducted and the extent to which it will be used in setting adaptation priorities . criterion requires that the outputs and outcomes of the policy process recognize and prioritize the adaptation needs of the vulnerable groups in the city . Although vulnerable groups are mentioned in the climate change agenda , particularly in reference to the provision of sewage connections in all villages and unauthorized colonies , the needs of vulnerable groups in Delhi extend well beyond sewage connections . In addition , the climate change agenda is explicitly linked to the broader development goals of development agenda , a program that has been criticized for prioritizing the middle class . For these reasons , climate change adaptation planning in Delhi does not meet the second justice criterion . criterion outcomes and impacts of adaptation enhance the freedoms and assets of vulnerable groups in the city Evaluating the outcomes and impacts of the climate change agenda is challenging for at least two reasons . First , the outcomes and impacts of the climate change agenda are in many ways conflated with the outcomes and impacts of existing programs in the city , such as Delhi development agenda and the tree planting program of the Parks and Gardens Society , as well as national programs , such as Mission for a Green India and the National Solar Initiative , that have been explicit of some of the targets in the Climate Change Agenda for Delhi . For example , Delhi tree planting program has successfully partnered with to revitalize parks and green spaces throughout the city ( Parks and Gardens Society , May 2012 , personal communication ) However , the conflation among the climate change agenda , the existing tree planting program of the Parks and Gardens Society , and the national Mission for a Green India makes it difficult to attribute the success of tree planting efforts to the climate change agenda itself . Second , the city itself has not systematically tracked progress in meeting the goals of the climate change agenda , and many key individuals who were involved with the agenda are now working in very different parts of the government or in the central government . The tracking that has been done largely focused on documenting the introduction of policy measures that are aligned with the six national missions addressed in the climate change agenda , solar tariffs and mandatory use of light bulbs . Detailed information about where and to what extent these measures have been implemented is not publicly available . Although attributing outcomes and impacts directly to the climate change agenda is challenging , there is little indirect evidence that the freedoms and assets of vulnerable groups have been enhanced by this program or by the development agenda . percent of the city remains unconnected to the sewer network , and 25 of the city is not connected to the water supply network ( senior official at the Delhi Jal Board , 25 May 2012 , personal communication ) There are ongoing conflicts between the city river restoration goals , included in the climate change agenda and the development plan , and informal settlements technically the city is not allowed to relocate people forthe purpose of restoration ( Delhi Development Authority , 24 May 2012 , personal communication ) but in some cases court rulings prioritizing Delhi efforts to become a city have led to the destruction of homes for the purpose of riverbank restoration ( 2009 ) whereas other projects , such as the Temple , have been allowed to take place on the ( 2010 ) The broader environmental agenda has not been conducive to meeting the needs of the most disadvantaged in the city either . Some actions against the interests of the poor and informal in Delhi are the result of public interest litigation brought to the courts by environmentalists , leading to the claim that bourgeois environmentalism has emerged as an organized force in Delhi ( The perceptions findings . One NGO representative says , in terms of action there nothing unconventional or new being done from the climate change point of view , not much at all ( NGO representative , May 2012 , personal communication ) There were no accountability mechanisms in place to ensure that the various departments were implementing their assigned actions . According to a former city government employee , although the departments were asked to report what they were doing , they were 229

why they were doing more or completing their tasks ( former Delhi Department of Environment employee , 30 April 2012 , personal communication ) According to this same person , development issues are more important to the city than climate change and so climate change actions are not prioritized . Another NGO representative said climate change is an in agencies plans , the city is not serious about it ( NGO representative , 20 May 2012 , personal communication ) and sees the government plans to address climate change as a way of placating an increasingly environmentally aware middle class with negative consequences for the poor . criterion requires that observed impacts of adaptation enhance the freedoms and assets of vulnerable groups in the city . Because of the difficulty of the conflation of the aims and implementation of the climate change agenda with other programs and plans , the fact that the city has not undertaken a targeted assessment of its own , and the lack of evidence that the assets of vulnerable groups in Delhi have significantly increased during this time period , the impacts of adaptation in Delhi do not meet the third justice criterion . Mechanisms underlying adaptation injustices in Delhi The analysis shows that in applying the criteria forjustice in adaptation , the process , priorities , and impacts in Delhi do not meet these criteria . Based on the same interview results , there are at least two mechanisms of injustice at play in the city that are contributing to these outcomes a lack of institutional capacity and the political economy of poverty . The issue of capacity is evidenced by the shifts in planning process and priorities that have come with the involvement of the and the development of a common framework for climate change planning at the state level in India . The common framework has introduced the notion of stakeholder workshops , vulnerability assessments , and outreach , all of which have the potential to increase justice in adaptation in Delhi . The Climate Change Agenda for Delhi was the result of entrepreneurial but isolated work on the part of the Delhi government . With additional resources and guidance from the and the national government it is the possible to improve the city capacity to adaptation planning that includes vulnerable populations in the process , prioritizes their needs , and ultimately enhances their freedoms and assets in ways that reduce their vulnerability . Additional capacity issues remain , however . Funding for climate change adaptation is extremely limited . There are currently no dedicated funding streams for climate change at the city level . Funding from the national level will depend on the extent to which the state action plan aligns with national priorities . Funding through the Clean Development Mechanism ( tends to favor very large projects that may not address the needs of poor and marginalized communities . There is also a lack of technical capacity in the city . All of the assessment components of the state action plan have been contracted to outside entities , including the vulnerability assessment , emissions inventory , and climate projections and scenario development ( Local Governments for Sustainability representative , May 2012 , personal communication ) Finally , there is a lack of institutional capacity . There is no dedicated office for climate change in the city and currently very little invested leadership in developing a robust and just state action plan . Further investment in capacity from within the city will be necessary forjust adaptation in Delhi . A second mechanism of injustice in adaptation for Delhi is the political economy of poverty . The poor and informal populations of the city have very limited venues for accessing decision making , government programs , and public services in Delhi . This is evidenced in part by the provisional status of unauthorized settlements in the System to form and in the lack of services in these areas because the city is not required to provide water and sanitation to unauthorized colonies ( NGO representative , May 2012 , personal communication ) As the middle class has expanded , poor areas have become increasingly marginalized ( 2012 ) According to a representative from an NGO in Delhi , the government does feel a moral commitment to the poor because it is too captivated by the rising power phenomenon ( Delhi NGO representative , 25 May 2012 , personal communication ) Development goals , then , tend to reflect these ambitions rather than the needs of the most vulnerable groups . In addition , the political dynamics in the city are such that the poor are often marginalized or discounted in decisions about new infrastructure . One NGO representative describes the decision making process surrounding Delhi metro system built in 2002 Even for the Metro , the original plan was to go through poor to provide public transport . But the real estate mafia the Metro routes to go through their middle class housing areas and home values went up even higher ( NGO representative , 25 May 2012 , personal communication ) If climate change continues to be tied to development goals , it will be subject to the same political economic dynamics . There are signs of this changing . The most recent national plan , entitled Faster , Sustainable and More Inclusive Growth , highlights the need to include all Indian citizens in the country development ( representative from the India Planning Commission , 21 May 2012 , personal communication ) Because state action plans will be tied explicitly to national priorities , this could serve to circumvent mechanisms of injustice . DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION My aim was to develop criteria that can be used to evaluate whether urban adaptation is just , to identify the mechanisms that may underlie injustice in urban adaptation , and to use these criteria and mechanisms to evaluate the case of Delhi . By reviewing the classic literature on justice as well as more modern urban interpretations , three criteria forjustice in urban adaptation were proposed ( 230

representation of vulnerable groups in adaptation planning processes for the city , priority setting and framing that recognize the adaptation needs of the vulnerable groups in the city , and ( outcomes and impacts of adaptation that enhance the freedoms and assets of vulnerable groups in the city . In addition , four potential mechanisms of injustice were identified the political economy of poverty , thick injustice , technocratic governance , and institutional capacities . These criteria and mechanisms provide a starting point for an urban adaptation research agenda able to more explicitly account for the political forces that underlie decision making about climate change . Applying these ideas to the case of Delhi showed that the city did not meet the three criteria forjustice in urban adaptation . However , the analysis provided insights into how justice may be improved given existing processes and priorities . For example , the System could be further developed for poor populations and informal settlements and could be better integrated into the climate change planning process . The vulnerability assessment that is being conducted as part of the state action plan should be conducted in a way that recognizes the sources of vulnerability people face , should be fully integrated into the planning process , and used for priority setting . Finally , the city should evaluate its progress in meeting its climate change goals . Although coordinating climate change and development goals is useful in many ways , it makes it more difficult to know how well the climate change program itself is doing . Therefore , an additional capacity for the city to develop for tracking and monitoring progress in adapting to climate change is needed . The analysis also revealed that at least two mechanisms are responsible for the lack ofjustice in adaptation in Delhi a lack of capacity and the political economy of poverty . In identifying these mechanisms , we also identified leverage points for change . Efforts to develop the city capacity further should be a priority . There is already some evidence from the involvement of the that this can be a successful endeavor . In addition , it will be important to find ways to overcome the political and economic barriers to include vulnerable communities and their needs in climate change adaptation . Such efforts will need to account for the broader development dynamics in the city and the ways that climate change adaptation planning intersects and interacts with current practices and priorities . Although this is perhaps a daunting task , there are already tools in place that could be used as starting points , such as the System . This special issue examines the governance of climate change adaptation and encourages decision makers and scholars to reflect on the implications of action taken at different levels . Because cities play an increasingly important role in developing and implementing adaptation actions , it is critical that we develop a greater understanding not only of whether urban adaptation isjust , but also why it is or is not . Although we know that in many cases cities have a poor track record of addressing the needs of the vulnerable , their decision to take on the relatively new policy area of climate change is an opportunity for learning . Research can contribute to this learning by uncovering the mechanisms of injustice in urban climate change adaptation , the obstacles and opportunities for greater justice in different , and , more generally , the relationship between where and how climate planning occurs and the benefits that are experienced . Future research should expand on these criteria and findings . Are some mechanisms of injustice more prevalent than others in adaptation ?

How and when do actors overcome barriers to just adaptation ?

We can also move beyond descriptive explorations of the mechanisms of injustice to examine how , when , and why these mechanisms of injustice are likely to be at play in adaptation . In addition , adaptation planning requires dealing with greater levels of uncertainty and new types of data and information . Future climate scenarios and their impacts are uncertain , particularly at the city scale ( et al . 2007 ) To what extent does this uncertainty in adaptation planning ?

The institutional context in which urban climate change adaptation takes place may also help to determine the extent to which the various mechanisms of injustice influence decision making . One unique feature of urban climate change planning is that it is inherently multilevel ( and 2006 , and 2008 , et al . 2009 ) As a result , the relative authority of municipal , state , and national governments over key planning resources may help determine the extent to which the mechanisms of injustice are able to influence outcomes . urban of who the vulnerable and vulnerable groups are in a city , their sources of vulnerability , and the barriers they face to building greater levels of capacity . As my analysis and the Delhi case shows , justice in urban climate change adaptation is fundamentally tied to broader issues of accessibility and participation . Existing research on urban injustice , the right to the city , and urban informality , although not explicitly addressing issues of climate change adaptation , therefore has much to contribute to this understanding . Future investments in climate change policy and planning should focus on leveraging and further developing this type of knowledge in a transparent and inclusive way . 231

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Urban Affairs Review 45 ( 1078087409337297 Social Justice and Adaptation in the UK by Magnus This article was originally published in Ecology Society , 19 ( imp This work is licensed under a Creative Commons International ( license ABSTRACT Adaptation strategies and policies are normally based on climate impact assessments that fail to take account of the social nature and distribution of vulnerability to climate change . This is largely a product of the dominant assessment techniques that are used to inform such strategies and the limits of existing evidence . In this paper I contribute to filling gaps in the current adaptation literature by exploring the social nature of vulnerability and the potential for adaptation . It does so by reviewing studies from the UK , in particular those under the Joseph Foundation Climate Change and Social Justice programme . It finds that vulnerability to high temperatures and fluvial and coastal flooding , in terms of sensitivity , exposure , and the capacity to anticipate , respond , and recover , is concentrated in certain disadvantaged and socially marginalized groups , including those on low incomes . It also finds that both autonomous and planned adaptation may fail to protect the most vulnerable individuals and groups , and may even reinforce existing patterns of vulnerability in some cases , especially where they rely on unmediated market forces or where they fail to explicitly recognize aspects of social vulnerability in their design and implementation . I argue that social justice should be an explicit objective of adaptation strategy . Keywords adaptation social justice vulnerability INTRODUCTION In recent years research and policy have begun to focus on the need to adapt to inevitable climate change . This requires decision makers at a range of scales , global to local , sectoral , to assess the likely impacts of climate change to identify priorities for adaptation ( Brown et al . 201 ) To date , few adaptation assessments have considered the uneven distribution of climate impacts and vulnerability across groups and individuals within society . This is partly a result of the tools and methods that are used to inform adaptation policy . Another reason is that the task of assessing individuals and groups vulnerability to future change is highly complex , given large uncertainties about the direction and pace of future socioeconomic and climatic trends and events . This makes it difficult to say with certainty which groups or individuals are most vulnerable . Here , vulnerability to climate change , climate variability , and extreme events are defined as a function of exposure to climate impacts , sensitivity to those impacts , and the adaptive capacity of the people or systems impacted ( following et al . 1994 , 2007 ) In this paper I take as a premise that society should and does care about social justice as a core . I also take the perspective that when assessing the impacts of climate change , the focus should be on who suffers , how much , when and how , and that adaptation should aim to be equitable as well as effective , efficient , and legitimate ( after et al . 2005 ) Adaptation should therefore strive to be and to protect those who are most vulnerable to climate impacts . Adaptation research and methods Adaptation outcomes will only be as good as the methods and evidence used to inform adaptation decisions . Adaptation decision support methods include climate science , risk assessment , economic analyses , and vulnerability assessment . Climate science Decision makers take adaptation seriously because of the messages provided by climate science . Various general circulation models are used to project scenarios of future climate , which can be to model impacts , precipitation , flooding , etc . Information of this type can be used to assess the likelihood and severity of future changes in climate and thereby identify priorities . based on this kind approach can loosely be termed ( see Brown et al . 2011 ) approaches tend to focus on physical and natural systems rather than social systems . This is because the drivers and mechanics of these systems are better known and already modeled to some extent in most cases . Models of the impacts of climate change on hydrology , including flooding , and coastal change are therefore fairly common ( 2012 ) new models of physical systems , urban heat islands , are emerging ( et al . 2012 ) 236

Social systems are highly complex and are rarely modeled as such . Human actors respond to a range of stimuli in often irrational and highly ways , which makes it difficult to simulate human decisions at the societal scale in models ( Goldspink 2000 ) For example , it is more difficult to model how an individual will respond to a flood than it is to model how a river system will respond to heavy rain . The result is that , approaches fail to represent the social nature of climate impacts . Risk assessment Climate science and impacts model results can be used in a variety of ways to support actual decisions . One of the most commonly advocated methods to support adaptation is to follow a risk management framework ( Willows and 2003 , Jones and Preston 2011 ) Risk management is particularly appropriate because of the pervasive uncertainty involved with adaptation decisions . One way to undertake a climate risk assessment is to identify a long list of potential impacts and then to scientifically assess their likelihood and magnitude to identify a level of risk ( Brown et al . 201 ) This sort of risk assessment can be seen as a continuation of an approach to adaptation decision making . It implies that there is a or scientific measurement of risk . An alternative approach is risk identification ( Institute of Risk Management 2002 ) This involves the assessment of a number of possible risk drivers on the cost or potential for achieving an explicit set of objectives . This sort of approach is more common in project or corporate risk assessment . It is equally applicable to organizations or governments , however . It requires decision makers to be explicit about their objectives , which often involves making normative choices of about what is most important , or what should be achieved . The civil servants and advisors who often undertake climate risk assessments aim to appear neutral in terms of future policy choices and are therefore often reluctant to specify strategic objectives . It is sometimes considered safer not to state normative preferences and base adaptation decision making on some , scientific ( approach . However , 1989 ) argues that risk management is better when it is based on openly subjective preferences about what is important to society . If policy makers can be explicit about their objective to , for example , improve the quality of life for all citizens , or to reduce social inequalities , then risk assessments hold significant potential for capturing the social nature of climate impacts , risks , and vulnerability . Economic analyses Adaptation decisions can also be supported by economic analyses , including social or project cost benefit analysis ( and , at the global scale , integrated assessment modeling ( IAM ) The objective of these tools is to identify efficient or optimal policy choices , not to consider equity as a priority criterion . Information on the costs of climate impacts and the benefits of adaptation are limited for most impacts and in most sectors ( 2011 ) However , investment decisions need to be informed by analysis of available options and in some instances , where investment costs and the value of avoided damages can be relatively well understood , for physical flood defences , is an important and effective decision support tool . Social seeks to maximize welfare from a utilitarian perspective , meaning that there might be winners and losers from an investment , but it will remain attractive as long as the winners are able to compensate the losers and still be better off . However , the distribution of the costs and ( dis ) benefits from social for adaptation rarely receive much attention , and some argue that the treatment of time preference in via discount rates also raises questions of justice ( 2009 ) Similarly , the use of to inform decisions on adaptation policy design fails to shed light on social inequality issues and may overestimate society ability to adapt because of the crude representation of adaptation decisions in such models ( see et al . 2009 , Stanton et al . 2009 ) Economic analyses , although important in many respects , therefore fail to adequately account for the distribution of climate impacts across society . The use of approaches can be generally characterized as ( and 2001 ) approaches , because they are based on climate scenarios , focus on exposure to harm and tend to see vulnerability as an ( Kelly and 2000 ) or an outcome ( et al . 2007 ) and therefore static , as opposed to part ofa social process . approaches , including relatively maps or indicators , can also imply that vulnerability is heterogeneous across groups or places , which may be inaccurate and stigmatize certain people or places as being high risk ( et al . 2011 ) An advantage of assessments , however , is that they can generally be carried out for a large geographical area , for example across a country , or indeed globally . Vulnerability assessment approaches , also known as assessments , on the other hand , tend to focus on the impacts of current climate variability and the underlying causes and processes that cause some people to be more vulnerable than others to those impacts ( an example is Brown and Walker 2008 ) In this way , they place a greater emphasis on adaptive capacity rather than exposure in assessing vulnerability and try to avoid seeing vulnerability as an inevitable effect of certain socioeconomic characteristics ( 2000 ) approaches are more likely to incorporate people own perception of vulnerability and attitudes toward risk , which 237

may ultimately be more important than exposure in determining who adapts and who suffers during climate events . A disadvantage of assessments is that they are and generally only apply to specific local areas . A number of qualitative , mostly , studies on the social nature of vulnerability to climate change are referred to below . The UK Climate Change Risk Assessment The UK has generally been considered a forerunner in adaptation . For example , it has initiated various processes and projects in relation to climate science , including the production of UK Climate Projections User Interface ( and the establishment of the UK Climate Impacts Programme in 1997 to support stakeholders and decision makers in using climate science to achieve adaptation . In 2008 the UK parliament passed the Climate Change Act , which , among other things , created a duty to conduct a Climate Change Risk Assessment ( every five years . The first was laid before Parliament in January 2012 , with an accompanying report on the economics of climate resilience ( completed in 2013 . The reports will play an important role in influencing the UK National Adaptation Programme 2013 and its implementation . The includes features of both a , assessment and an one . It takes as its starting point a list of over 700 impacts , identified after considering climate projections , reviewing existing evidence , and consulting with stakeholders . This long list of impacts was reduced to around 100 key risks , using a methodology that considered the magnitude of the impact and the level of confidence associated with the evidence ( 2010 ) The aims to identify all climate risks to the UK , but also considers risks in light of key government objectives , not least as the result of risk identification processes that consider Departmental Adaptation Plans , which themselves look at key departmental policies when identifying climate risks ( 2010 ) The is based on a series of 12 sectoral assessments , each of which is led by a separate sector expert and team . The sectors covered by the include agriculture , biodiversity and ecosystem services , built environment , business , industry and services , energy , floods and coastal erosion , forestry , health , marine and fisheries , transport , and water . This has implications for the way in which social issues are captured or missed in the assessment . Many if not all of these 12 sectors can be relevant to social justice and inequality in some way built environment , floods and coastal erosion , health , and water are perhaps most relevant . However , by taking a sector approach , there is a danger that impacts are considered in terms of their effect on the functioning of the sectoral system and not on the lives of people affected by that system , focus on the number of people suffering from heat stress , ratherthan which people in society are likely to suffer harm as a result of heat stress . Another key feature of the , and the report , is that they are both based on existing evidence . The majority of climate change research , particularly quantitative analyses , has taken place within the fields of physical and natural science . and results are therefore likely to be skewed by the available evidence ( Martin Parry , Synthesis Report Peer Review , unpublished manuscript ) and may underestimate the social nature of vulnerability and risk . As well as underestimating the social nature of risk , the scope of the was limited to impacts within the UK , although as recent evidence suggests , indirect impacts on the UK resulting from climate change elsewhere in the world may be as significant , if not more so , than direct impacts at home ( Foresight 2011 ) In particular , of the indirect impacts identified in the Foresight report , health , security and migration impacts may affect some groups in society more than others . The is the first national assessment of its kind and embodies the proactive approach to adaptation policy being taken in the UK . However , for various methodological reasons , not least the reliance on existing evidence , the first iteration of the may undervalue the social nature of climate impacts , risks , and vulnerability . The resulting policies may thus also fail to protect the most vulnerable members of UK society . Social justice and climate change Recognizing this possibility , the Joseph Foundation ( a social policy research and development charity in the UK , initiated a research program on Climate Change and Social Justice ( The program has funded various projects to improve the evidence base on the links between social justice and climate change mitigation and adaptation . I briefly review the results of a selection of projects from the first phase of that program . Three of the key research questions posed by these projects are Who emits the most ?

Who is most vulnerable to climate impacts ?

Does adaptation protect the most vulnerable ?

Who emits the most ?

There is a strong correlation between household income and household emissions . A quantitative study by et al . 2011 ) explored the nature of this link by compiling a new that combines information on household income , consumption of household fuels , private road travel , public transport use , and domestic and international aviation . The report provides new insights into who is responsible for emitting how much carbon dioxide and identifies the relative contributions of different aspects of consumption to household carbon emissions ( et al . 2011 ) The relationship between emissions and income is clear . Higher income households 238

generally emit more lower income groups emit the . This observation may imply a level of injustice , if it is the case that lower emitting groups are also more vulnerable to the climate impacts caused by greenhouse gas emissions . et al . go on to use the database of household emissions to analyze the social impacts of mitigation policies , which in some cases have important negative implications for social justice ( see also Speck 1999 ) Who is most vulnerable ?

Climate impacts will vary between climatic zones and local areas in the UK ( 2012 ) However , the harm , or opportunities , that will result from these changes in climate will also vary between social groups within and across different . Furthermore , different climate impacts will affect groups differently . The current evidence base on the social distribution of climate impacts and vulnerability is generally poor . Studies have looked at the relationship between impacts such as heat and mortality ( and 2002 , and 2005 , et al . 2007 ) sometimes with a social analysis of the results . Literature from the , drawing on the rich tradition of environmental justice research in that country , has analyzed the impact of extreme weather such as heat waves from a social perspective , for example to analyze the distribution of harm , again , usually mortality , across different ethnic groups ( 2002 , et al . 2005 , et al . 2009 ) as well as other social effects associated with heat waves , including stress , social disruption , violence , and increased crime levels ( and Cooper 2005 ) Recently , similarly analyses of heat have begun to emerge in the UK ( Brown and Walker 2008 , Wolf et al . 2010 ) Following the environmental justice angle , in the UK , where flooding has been a more traditional impact , a small number of studies have looked explicitly at flood vulnerability and environmental inequalities ( et al . 2002 , Fielding et al . 2005 , Thrush et al . 2005 , Walker et al . 2006 ) with a specific Environment Agency research programme focusing on the social aspects of flood management published in 2005 ( EA 2005 ) This literature did not explicitly focus on flooding in the context of climate change or changes in future risk , however . More specific research on the social processes that drive vulnerability is not yet widespread . A Scotland and Northern Ireland Forum for Environmental Research ( SNIFFER ) report in 2009 gave an overview of many of the social issues that are relevant to climate change and identified gaps in research ( CAG Consultants 2009 ) The Climate Change and Social Justice program represents the first effort since this SNIFFER report to strategically improve the evidence base and communicate issues directly to policy makers and wider stakeholders . Below , three recent studies from the program are reviewed , each looking at different but overlapping aspects of social vulnerability to climate change , namely et al . 2011 ) on the impacts of climate change on disadvantaged coastal communities , et al . 2011 ) on vulnerability to heat waves and drought , and et al . 2011 ) on climate change , justice , and vulnerability . Table provides an overview of the socially contextual factors that determine vulnerability to climate change , based on an interpretation by the author , drawing on these three projects . In it , I reinterpret the analysis in the original sources , which use slightly different to describe socially contextual factors to the ones summarized in this table . Coastal vulnerability et al . 2011 ) look at the impacts of climate change on disadvantaged coastal communities . They found a strong social dimension to the exposure of people to coastal flood risk , but also a number of links between deprivation and the ability of households and communities to respond to flood events and adapt to future threats . Coastal communities in the UK tend to be characterized by high levels of youth and a corresponding and concentration of older people , as well as transient groups , including tourists , who are identified as being most sensitive to climate impacts . Coastal communities are particularly vulnerable because of their high reliance on coastal infrastructure , ecosystems , and communications , which are especially susceptible to damage and disruption from climate impacts , namely rise , damage , coastal erosion , and flooding . A high economic reliance on seasonal employment related to tourism also heightens the sensitivity of coastal communities to extreme weather events and possibly climate change , although climate change may present opportunities for employment as well . Local health , social , and emergency services are also put under pressure during the tourism season , reducing the capacity of these services to support local populations in the event of extreme events such as heat waves or floods , and rendering tourists themselves at higher risk . The physical isolation of some coastal communities , particularly those on islands and remote coastlines , adds to their vulnerability , as do the generally old and housing stock and income levels associated with deprived coastal communities . et . 2011 ) highlights the risk that certain coastal towns and villages become by the perception of high risks from coastal change and therefore suffer from falling property values , opportunities , and lower investment , and possibly even less flood defence protection from central government , leading to further social deterioration and increased vulnerability . 239

Vulnerability to high temperatures et al . 2011 ) examine the concepts of vulnerability and resilience as they are used by the climate change community and relate these to the concept of social justice . They find that there is likely to be a strong social dimension to climate change vulnerability in the UK . The report focuses on the complexity of social vulnerability to high temperatures . Table . Overview of socially contextual factors that determine vulnerability to climate change . Study et al . 2011 ) al . 2011 ) lull ) impacts coastal . Ile . drought Fluvial and coastal . considered Methods focus Literature review . stakeholder interviews Extensive literature review groups . literature review Age Exposure Personal factors of ing health conditions Housing quality Age vulnerability or Occupation vulnerability Physical neighborhood characteristics including Education . knowledge . and awareness Household resources urban heat island en spaces . etc . Family size ( poverty ) Geographical on . eg in drought zone or Gender . ethnicity Livelihoods . particularly Mobility where related directly to the Housing tenure coast Sensitivity Occupation Reliance on tal Age Transience . including tourists . travelers . homeless infrastructure Health and disability . including mental and to decision making Housing quality physical health conditions Income Geographical isolation . Lifestyle . including drug use . outdoor activities . Insurance island communities . stigma or crash in etc . Adaptive factors Physical attributes or neighborhood . including property Values related to ' green space . urban heat island . overcrowding perceived climate risks Access to and knowledge Building characteristics . including elevation and ( deprivation , Tenure access to air conditioning including capacity ot local Transience authorities Perception Social factors Access to insurance Household size Household use ot resources . water use Lifestyle . including employment and leisure options Social capital and community cohesion Access to social networks Access to political power and representation . quality of local health services . local authorities . water companies etc . Social networks So ti characteristics of neighborhood . including isolation . fear of crime . public cool spaces . trust . unemployment . population er Institutional regimes . nursing homes . loss of autonomy Local authority resources Experience of previous extreme weather Access to social ! health services In the UK , vulnerability to high temperatures has previously been understood as a function of health and a matter for the health service ( DoH 2010 ) Although accurate , this physiological focus on sensitivity fails to account for the social processes and social context that determine who is able to anticipate , cope with , and adapt in order to avoid harm during heat waves . There are spatial patterns to the distribution of vulnerability to high temperatures for example , urban residents are more exposed ( 2007 ) and within towns and cities it is often deprived areas that are most likely to be located within the center of urban heat islands ( Deprived communities are also less likely to have close access to cool spaces such as green parks , gardens , or woodlands . Social factors are also important of vulnerability , although research in this area is generally lacking . Social cohesion at the community level , including ethnic or communities that span different urban neighborhoods , can help to identify vulnerable people and offer support during heat waves such informal networks often replace official medical or social services , particularly where population turnover is high and trust between social groups and official services is low , as in some deprived urban neighborhoods ( Brent Council 2009 ) In this respect , the presence of strong communities and high social capital may sometimes be higher in some deprived neighborhoods than in some higher income neighborhoods , suburban commuter districts . Some studies indicate a link between social isolation and mortality during heat waves ( 2002 ) whereas others identify stronger links between mortality and residency in care homes ( Brown and Walker 2008 ) Welfare losses from heat , as opposed to 240

mortality , including discomfort , distress , morbidity , violence , and social unrest , have received much less attention in the literature , but may also be concentrated in deprived areas ( et al . 2011 ) Studies have found links between ethnicity and vulnerability to heat ( and 2002 , et al . 2009 ) depending on nonphysiological factors such as employment ( and 2005 ) education , and levels of air conditioning ( et al . 2005 ) Many studies find a link between age and vulnerability to high temperatures ( 2006 ) but it is also important to note the role of risk perception among all groups ( and 2005 ) Various studies show that people who do not perceive themselves to be at risk are less likely to take measures to prevent the effects of heat stress , even when they are in fact at high risk ( et al . 2009 , Wolf et al . 2010 ) One study looked at the links between employment and climate change vulnerability , uncovering an additional social layer of vulnerability whereby people occupation exposes them to a greater level of climate risk , for example paid , unskilled jobs , outdoor manual laborers , train drivers , or factory workers , are higher risk than higher paid , jobs , those in offices ( 2009 ) One key finding of this literature is that vulnerability to climate events is highly dependent on local context , and that a better account of individuals and groups adaptive capacity is needed to understand the social nature of vulnerability in each case ( Brown and Walker 2008 ) A index of vulnerability et al . 2011 ) identify the of vulnerability to heat waves and floods and use these to develop a spatially explicit index of vulnerability that accounts for the social nature of sensitivity , exposure , and adaptive capacity . The results constitute the first quantitative representation of the potential for future losses in that take explicit account of the social nature of vulnerability . In total of English neighborhoods are estimated to have extremely high social vulnerability , with a strong concentration of vulnerability in deprived urban and coastal areas ( 38 of the areas are within of the coast ) These areas are represented as having low capacities to prepare , respond , and recover from flood events , according to the index . The specific variables that influence the distribution of social flood vulnerability include lack of gardens and green space , which help to regulate flows a proxy measure of insurance availability , based on current flood probabilities low income poor knowledge and low mobility . et al . 2011 ) also produced a similar index for social vulnerability to heat . A similar proportion of neighborhoods are estimated to have extremely high social vulnerability to heat as to flooding in this case . Again , there is a strong urban dimension to the results , particularly in London , which has three times the mean level of heat vulnerability compared with other regions and of all of the extremely vulnerable neighborhoods in England . Interesting detail emerges in the results , which show , for example , a low capacity to respond to high temperature events in remote rural areas that are isolated from medical services , even though exposure is not particularly high in rural areas . There is also a strong coastal component , which is influenced by the adaptive capacity indicators rather than the signal of increased exposure from higher temperatures , underlying the dominantly social nature of vulnerability to climate change . Ta en together , the two aggregate indices of social vulnerability show the significant overlap between vulnerable neighborhoods to multiple climate impacts fully 64 of the extremely socially vulnerable neighborhoods to flooding are also classified as extremely vu to heat . This has significant implications for the design of adaptation strategies If the same social groups tend to be vu to multiple climate impacts , then a key element of adaptation strategy should be to protect and build resilience among , and to consult with , these most vulnerable groups . Does adaptation protect the most vulnerable ?

Ac implementation is in its early phases in the UK . Despite a growing body of research and an improved level of awareness among decision makers of the need to adapt , specific adaptation actions are few and difficult to identify ( 2011 ) Nevertheless , the program has undertaken some case studies to assess emerging lessons on whether adaptation offers protection to the most vu . Planned autonomous adaptation can either be planned , usually by a national or local government , or autonomous , undertaken by private actors in response to their own calculation of costs and benefits ( Smit and 2001 ) Planned adaptation should be carefully considered the scope for considering social justice issues should be high . Autonomous adaptation may occur within narrower , and the potential for maladaptation may be higher . Maladaptation is generally understood as those actions taken ostensibly to avoid or reduce vu to climate change that impact adversely on , or even increase the vulnerability of , other systems , sectors , or social groups ( and 2010 ) Improving water efficiency in response to drought risk The southwest of England is projected to become much drier as a result of climate change , particularly in the summer , with the upper end of climate projections ( at the 10 probability level ) for summer precipitation showing reductions of up to under a high 241

emissions scenario ( UK Climate Projections 2009 ) This region also happens to have the population in the UK ( ONS 2003 ) with the number of households projected to increase by 36 by 2030 ( 2009 ) The southwest is also one of the most popular tourism destinations in England , with over 21 million visits per year , a figure that is also projected to rise because of changing patterns in the tourism industry and also because of climate change impacts elsewhere in Europe ( 2008 ) Improving water efficiency is therefore a priority for South West Water , the utility company that manages and delivers water services in the region . However , water is already a serious issue in the southwest , where prices are around 40 higher than in other regions of the UK , because of a mixture of legacy , infrastructure , and tourism factors . Delivering affordable water efficiency is therefore the additional challenge . et al . 2011 ) examined a pilot project by South West Water to introduce a Rising Block Tariff for water customers . In theory , this tariff structure water efficiency while delivering affordable water to all . It offers three differently priced blocks of water use Block essential use at 73 of the standard unit price Block standard price ( a buffer ) Block premium use at 181 of the standard unit price . The theory is that users who reduce their use are rewarded with cheaper water , and those who chose to use more pay a premium for doing so . The system relies on there being a free and equal choice between households on how much water they use . However , et al . 2011 ) show that water use requirements differ between households some are less able to reduce their water use , as a result of household size , certain medical requirements , or even as a result of tenure and inflexibility to fit devices or inability to purchase technologies , new washing machines . Such households , if on low incomes , may be unfairly penalized by the introduction of a Rising Block Tariff system , raising the prospect that water efficiency schemes could push more households into a situation of water poverty , defined as spending more than of disposable income on water bills ( Fitch and Price 2002 ) The case study also revealed the role of support schemes that protect households from water poverty where and new tariff structures are in place . In the southwest , the scheme caps bills for qualifying households , those on low incomes or with defined medical requirements , and the scheme aims to improve water efficiency and provide support to households in debt with water companies . Thus , efficiency incentive schemes , including water and new tariff structures , are not inherently regressive and do provide the potential to address climate risks , drought , in ways , provided that they are always implemented in tandem with support schemes for vulnerable households . et al . 2011 ) and the independent Walker Review of and water charging ( Walker 2009 ) identify various features of the water sector that are important for maintaining and make various recommendations to ensure that water poverty is avoided as a consequence of maladaptation to climate change . In this case , autonomous adaptation , using pricing mechanisms to address resource scarcity and reduce risks , only avoids being unjust because consumer rights are well represented in the heavily regulated water sector . Future flood insurance Flood insurance in the UK is currently governed by an agreement between the state and the insurance sector , known , in its most recent incarnation , as the Statement of Principles . In short , the state commits to provide flood defences and prevent development in very areas , in return for a commitment from insurers to provide insurance cover to all households and most small businesses ( see Crichton 2002 ) This agreement is due to expire in 2013 , stimulating a lively debate between insurers , the government , and various stakeholders on what should replace it . The recently published a viewpoint report that addresses the aspects of this debate ( and 2012 ) One in six homes in England is currently at risk from flooding ( EA 2009 ) and households are the likeliest to be uninsured and the least able to recover from the financial impacts of flooding ( Pitt 2008 ) Flood risk is increasing in the UK as a result of increased development , more and higher value homes , and climate change , including changing precipitation patterns and sea level rise . Looking into the future , there is a tension between creating to live and develop in flood zones and penalizing people who already live there . If the insurance market were left to adapt autonomously by simply pricing the actual risk for each household , insurance rates would drive demand for housing in zones , and therefore raise property values , while areas would become cheap , attracting households , blighted and potentially uninsured or uninsurable , creating significant inequalities and social injustice ( and 2012 ) Alternative , nonmarket , insurance models exist and are common in other European countries , where the state often plays a larger role . and ( 2012 ) explain how different concepts of fairness imply different insurance models and argue strongly for a more solidaristic flood insurance regime in the UK . The case of flood insurance , as an example of autonomous adaptation where risk is priced , shows the inability of some forms of adaptation to protect the most vulnerable and a much more worrying possibility that maladaptation may significantly increase the vulnerability of some groups to climate change . 242

The Heatwave Plan Temperatures in the south of England are projected to increase significantly over coming decades , with extreme heat wave events in particular likely to cause significant harm and economic damage ( et al . 2004 , 2006 ) Demographic trends in parts of England , particularly the southwest , are likely to increase the populations vulnerability to high temperatures , largely as a result of increases in the number of older people , the proportion of whom is projected to rise from , already above average , to 29 by 2031 , and increased numbers of tourists . The only current strategy for explicitly managing risks relating to high temperatures in the UK is the Heatwave Plan for England and Wales , led by the Department of Health . The existence of the strategy is in part a reaction to the unforeseen impacts of the 2003 heat wave in Europe , which led to the premature deaths of around 2000 people in the UK ( 2006 ) in addition to deaths and billions of Euros worth of damage across mainland Europe ( De Bono et al . 2004 ) The Heatwave Plan relies on various tiers of governance to cascade down responsibilities during heat wave events . Different levels of alert are defined within the plan and are triggered once weather forecasts exceed certain thresholds ( see DoH 2010 , 2011 for details ) et al . 201 ) interviewed various responsible authorities under the Heatwave Plan and other relevant stakeholders to examine their understanding of vulnerability to high temperatures and to see how the concept of vulnerability was in practice . given the complexity and lack of an evidence base identifying vulnerable people , there is some confusion and an oversimplification of vulnerability in practice , which tends to revert to definitions of vulnerability . This tends to ignore the social processes that determine vulnerability and therefore misses opportunities to build resilience to high temperatures , rather than merely to respond during emergency situations . In many cases it is unlikely that the most vulnerable people will receive support during heat wave events , largely because health services are not able to identify who is most vulnerable . The case study found that resources for implementing the Heat wave Plan were severely limited , and responsibility to implement the plan fell mostly on emergency planning departments within local government and health care professionals . This precludes the potentially crucial role of local stakeholders who benefit from a more detailed understanding of vulnerability and climate change , including social services , climate change partnerships , researchers , and , in particular , community groups . The role of stakeholders with the ability to help build resilience to high temperatures , for example spatial planners and educators , is not yet a feature of Heatwave Plan implementation , according to et al . 2011 ) However , a key recommendation in the report is to go beyond the Heatwave Plan , which is understandably focused mostly on health and emergency response , given its remit , and to take a much more proactive and integrated approach to build resilience to high temperatures in the UK in ways that explicitly promote social justice and equity . Quadruple injustice These cases highlight the social nature and the uneven distribution of vulnerability to climate change . They also highlight the potential for maladaptation to increase certain groups vulnerability , especially autonomous maladaptation , and the uneven and uncertain benefits that adaptation might bring to certain social groups in the UK . In conclusion , it is possible to identify a quadruple injustice to climate change within the UK . Certain disadvantaged groups , including those on low incomes , the socially marginalized , and older people emit the least may be negatively impacted by mitigation policies are most vulnerable to climate impacts and , may be negatively impacted by adaptation policies . However , these groups are diverse and there is not always a uniform correlation between social disadvantage and emissions or vulnerability . Sometimes the reverse is true and there will be various exceptions . Identifying the quadruple injustice is not intended to imply a determinist view of vulnerability to climate change . Instead it aims to highlight the social nature of climate change causes and consequences , with a view to influencing policy responses . This presents a particular set of challenges to adaptation decision makers . First , it raises questions of procedural justice . How can the voices of the most vulnerable be heard in the design and implementation of adaptation policies ?

It has been shown that the implementation ofthe Heatwave Plan in England and Wales has so to involve vulnerable groups , represent vulnerable groups , in the process of identifying who is vulnerable or in delivering emergency response services during heat wave events . However , the involvement of the Consumer Council for Water in the Rising Block Tariff trial in the southwest of England is evidence of a more participatory process , which also happens to result in a outcome ( et al . 2011 ) Given the complexities involved in adaptation policy design , including the treatment of complex and uncertain science and the normative choices relating to risks that characterize adaptation , it is both difficult and yet essential that vulnerable groups be brought into adaptation decision making . Second , questions of substantive justice have been raised , particularly with respect to autonomous adaptation and , most of all , where unmediated market forces are employed to deliver efficient adaptation outcomes , whether these are in the pricing of risk ( via free 243

market insurance models ) or via scarcity and price signals ( via water ) Third , there is the potential for adaptation to enhance social justice , although this has not been the focus of this paper . Adaptation measures , for example the creation of sustainable urban landscapes that offer free , cool public spaces and reduce flood risks , could improve the quality of life for residents and facilitate more cohesive community living spaces . DISCUSSION Methods This paper began with a brief review of used to inform adaptation decision making . This analysis has implications for the governance of adaptation . On one level , on assessment techniques may tend to hide the social nature of vulnerability and lead to adaptation strategies that fail to protect the most vulnerable . This would be the consequence of focusing on the size of a risk , or its aggregate costs , rather than on the social nature of the risk who will suffer harm as a result of that risk . As has been seen from the case studies , vulnerability to multiple climate impacts tends to overlap for certain social groups , namely those with low adaptive capacity , who now tend to be marginalized and disadvantaged in society . The implications of this for adaptation governance are that more analyses should be used to inform adaptation policy , incorporating procedural elements , such as more consultation with vulnerable groups , as well as methodological elements that base climate risk assessment more on current climate vulnerability and that focus more on identifying issues from different sectors . The Climate Change Risk Assessment provides an interesting case . Although initially designed as an risk assessment , the methodology was modified to better account for the social aspects of risks , perhaps partly in response to the evidence generated and put forward by the Joseph Foundation . The methodology now includes a stage ( step ) to explicitly consider equity issues and social vulnerability . Within this stage , broad clusters of risks have been assessed using a Social Vulnerability Checklist ( 2010 ) An evidence review social vulnerability to climate change impacts ( Environmental Planning , unpublished manuscript ) was also prepared as part of the process to inform decision makers , though this has not yet been made public . Step of the methodology , which develops risk metrics for each risk , also provides the opportunity to develop social metrics that can be used to measure changes in risks relevant to social justice , changes in the number of deprived households at risk from flooding ( see 2010 ) In these ways , the social nature of vulnerability is recognized in the , and attempts have been made to update the methodology to better account for social vulnerability . assessments can therefore be carried out in ways that do draw attention to the social nature of vulnerability and risk , although current evidence gaps make this difficult in practice . Governance The quadruple injustice of climate change challenges adaptation governance to become more just and to deliver more just outcomes . I introduce the concept of a new policy concept to transfer funds between high emitters and the vulnerable , based on the logic of the quadruple injustice . Public attitudes to fairness represent a barrier but also an opportunity for designing new , socially accepted climate change policies . Another report from the Climate Change and Social Justice programme ( Horton and 2011 ) used focus groups to look at people sense of fairness in relation to behaviors and rules governing climate change . For example , they looked at collective antipathy toward behavior and public rules to prevent excessive consumption , specifically in situations of resource scarcity , such as climate change ) The report concludes that climate change regulations do not need to appeal solely to and to opportunities , as many regulations and policy initiatives currently attempt to . Instead , regulations may be more successful if they appeal to people sense of fairness , based on the link between excessive consumption , emissions , and climate change ( Horton and 201 ) Although the focus groups did not explicitly ask people about their sense of fairness in relation to adaptation , the results present an interesting question could people sense of fairness be harnessed to address the quadruple injustice of climate change by transferring resources from high emitters to the most vulnerable ?

The logic behind this question is that a scientifically robust causal link can be established between excessive consumption , driving a SUV or frequent flying , physical climate change , and impacts on vulnerable people , flooding a family living on low income . Although it is unlikely that an acceptable scheme could be designed for direct payments between emitters and vulnerable groups , there may be public support for policies that use revenues from taxes on behavior to compensate or protect vulnerable groups , or preferably to invest in building resilience among vulnerable people . This , after all , is the logic applied to global negotiations on climate change , in which developed countries have agreed to provide significant financing to help the most vulnerable countries adapt , via mechanisms such as the Green Climate Fund and the Adaptation Fund , in recognition of their historical emissions and greater financial capacity . Public awareness of climate change , vulnerability , and adaptation would need to improve significantly 244

before the fairness aspects of such a policy could be widely understood and accepted , but perhaps in future , similar mechanisms could be applied within countries to fund investment in adaptation . CONCLUSION In this paper I have reviewed the first wave of projects in the UK that address the social nature of vulnerability to climate change . At the time of their instigation , these projects were addressing relatively new territory in terms of adaptation research in European countries . The findings therefore represent a tentative and initial exploration of the nature of vulnerability . Further examination of the issues raised , including additional case studies from other countries and analyses of the impact of events on different social groups will be helpful . In particular , more insights are needed on the scope for adaptation interventions to reduce , or indeed to exacerbate and reinforce , patterns of social vulnerability . Although equity and justice are concepts in global climate change governance ( and 2002 ) they have traditionally received much less attention at the national and levels ( Thomas and 2005 ) However , the results highlighted by this paper are broadly supported by emerging examples from other places , especially in the , for example , the state of California ( et al . 2012 ) and the cities of Phoenix and Philadelphia ( et al . 2011 ) and New York ( see Bardy 2010 ) where the tradition of environmental justice research and activism has evolved to consider the explicit social nature of vulnerability to climate . The existence ofa strong social dynamic in climate vulnerability raises issues forthe governance of adaptation . The social distribution of vulnerability should influence the way in which policy makers interpret and use climate vulnerability indicators . There is a significant and growing interest in such indicators as a tool to support adaptation decision making , for example by identifying hotspots of vulnerability at the local level and to inform climate risk assessment and adaptation planning ( 2009 , 2012 ) The complex nature of social vulnerability raises two issues . First , the detail of indicators should be improved to better reflect layers of social vulnerability . Second , assessments , such as indicator based assessments , should be complemented by assessments with input from a variety of stakeholders , including those that are well placed to identify vulnerable groups and individuals , such as community groups and social services . Responding to these issues requires improved socioeconomic data for inclusion in vulnerability indicators and an approach to adaptation governance , in terms of who is involved in defining and assessing vulnerability , climate risk , and in the design and implementation of adaptation strategies and policies . At least in the European context , social justice has so far not been a key organizing principal or an explicit objective of national or local adaptation , despite the progress that many European countries have made in adaptation planning . Given the explicitly social nature of vulnerability to climate change , as explored above , a clearer focus on justice is warranted . Adaptation strategies should not be afraid to state their normative objectives . Achieving social justice and building the resilience of the most vulnerable individuals and groups in society should be one of the core objectives of adaptation . 245

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